Chapter 9
Organizational and Community Interventions
|
Chapter Aims After reading this chapter you will be able to
answer the following questions: (a) What are organizational and community
interventions?, (b) Why are they important?, (c) What is the value-base of
organizational and community interventions?, (d) What are the roles of
community psychologists in organizational and community interventions?, (e)
What are the strengths and limitations of social interventions?, and (f) What
are the dilemmas facing community psychologists in this type of work? |
We link in this chapter organizational and community interventions because most efforts for liberation and well-being take place in, or through, organizations like human services, voluntary agencies, or alternative settings (see Chapter 7). To enable community change, first we have to persuade our own organizations to contribute to the process. Organizations possess human and material resources that are crucial for initiating and invigorating ameliorative and transformative interventions. But we should not take it for granted that organizations will rally behind social change; or that they will examine critically their own role in promoting suffering and oppression, either in their own workers or in the communities they serve. In a multi-site study exploring the ethical dilemmas of mental health workers in agencies and clinics, we found that most organizations (a) fall short of supporting their own workers in resolving daily dilemmas, and (b) resist changes that may diminish management control or increase worker and stakeholder decision making power (Prilleltensky, Sanchez, Walsh-Bowers, Rossiter, 2002; Prilleltensky, Walsh-Bowers, Rossiter, 1999; Rossiter, Prilleltensky, & Walsh-Bowers, 2000; Rossiter, Walsh-Bowers, Prilleltensky, 2002). Box 9.1 is a reminder of how difficult it is for organizations to think outside the square.
[Insert Box 9.1 About Here]
These studies reinforced in us the belief that even well meaning institutions can be unresponsive to the needs of workers and clients alike. As we saw in Chapter 7, community psychology begins at home, where we live, where we work, where we volunteer. It would be un-psychological for us to expect to contribute to others’ well-being and liberation when we suffer from oppression and indifference in our own backyard. It would be equally un-psychological for us to promote well-being in the community at large when we ignore the plight of those next to us at work. Therefore, we deal in this chapter with interventions that promote the well-being of workers in organizations and of citizens in communities. We look at organizational development as an end in itself, designed to improve the life of workers; and as a means to an end, the promotion of well-being and liberation in disadvantaged communities. These organizational aims are congruent with the principles and values of community psychology (Boyd & Angelique, 2002; Keys & Frank, 1987; Shinn & Perkins, 2000; Tseng, Chesir-Teran, Becker-Klein, Chan, Duran, Robers, & Bardoliwalla, 2002).
WHAT ARE ORGANIZATIONAL AND COMMUNITY INTERVENTIONS?
Inasmuch as community psychologists strive to promote liberation and well-being in marginalized groups, we are interested in organizational and community interventions that foster these two goals. Communities depend on organizations for their improvement, while organizations justify their existence by assisting communities. Community interventions always occur through the efforts of people organized in either formal institutions or loosely based grass-roots agencies or NGOs.
Re-organizing Organizations
For us, organizational interventions are systematic methods of enhancing an institution’s capacity to promote the personal, relational, and collective well-being of their workers and community stakeholders. This definition is congruent with Maton and Salem’s (1995) characterization of empowering organizations, according to whom empowering settings enable workers, service recipients and community stakeholders to experience greater self-determination (personal well-being), social support (relational well-being), and awareness of political forces impinging on their lives (collective well-being). The interconnection among the three levels of well-being was illustrated in a church-based organization where social bonds and close relationships contributed to both psychological empowerment and effective collective action (Speer, Hughey, Gensheimer and Adams-Leavitt, 1995). While the organizations studied by Maton and Salem concentrated on consumer well-being, the groups studied by Speer and colleagues went beyond members’ well-being and focused on political action for community change. The leap from well-being to liberation is not an easy one. Some organizations, like the ones reported by Maton and Salem, do a good job at empowering their own members, but don’t always engage in political action or coalition formation. Others, like the ones explored by Speer and colleagues, manage to focus more attention on issues of power, oppression and disadvantage. In this chapter we wish to explore organizations that re-organize to contribute to the internal well-being of their own workforce, and to the external struggles of oppressed groups.
Politicising Communities
By community interventions we mean efforts by organized groups and agencies to enhance the well-being of community members marginalized by social practices of exclusion, cultural norms of discrimination, and economic policies of injustice and inequality (Ife, 2002; Mullaly, 2002; Rappaport, 1977). Community well-being, as noted in Chapter 2, is predicated on emancipation from oppressive forces. Therefore, we are not content to improve narrow aspects of health, such as better hygiene or diet awareness, when systemic conditions of inequality perpetuate hunger. Similarly, we are not satisfied to improve charity services when the conditions that lead to charity in the first place continue unabated. In the language of Chapter 7, we seek to develop community interventions that go beyond amelioration and move toward transformation. This is not an either/or. We do not advocate the elimination of social supports because they do not eliminate economic exploitation. Services are very much needed. What we do advocate is the pairing of ameliorative and transformative thinking and action (Prilleltensky & Nelson, 1997, 2002). We recommend intervening in communities in such a way that they receive services and resources and increase their political awareness and capacity for mobilization at the same time. Hence, we put emphasis here on strategies that ameliorate and, concurrently, have the potential to transform. Although these strategies are not the norm but rather the exception, a recent issue of the American Journal of Community Psychology (Watts & Serrano Garcia, in press) contains examples of interventions that combine skill enhancement with sociopolitical awareness. In Chapter 23 Bennett describes how his community development work has a clear transformational focus.
WHAT VALUES JUSTIFY ORGANIZATIONAL AND COMMUNITY INTERVENTIONS?
In principle, all the values presented in Chapters 2 and 3 justify the need for organizational and community interventions. We remarked before that well-being emanates from the confluence of balanced value systems. Thus, well-being takes place at the intersection of holism, health, caring and compassion, self-determination, participation, social justice, respect for diversity and accountability. When the salience of one or more of these values obscures the presence of others, the balance is shaken. Different organizations and communities emphasize some values more than others. Although our assessment is not definitive, it seems to us that most organizations and communities pay attention to health and caring and compassion, and, to some extent, to diversity and participation. Few, however, are the organizations and communities that place social justice, holism, and accountability front and centre (Prilleltensky, 2001). Not by coincidence, the three neglected values have to do power. Social justice has to do with the fair and equitable distribution of burdens and resources in society, something that cannot happen unless those with power relinquish some of it. Similarly, accountability cannot be fulfilled unless there is a transfer of power away from dominant sectors. Holism, which can be deceiving because it is often narrowly interpreted, is not only about the natural environment, but also about the social context. And power, as we know, is an immanent part of the social ecology. Unless we view power and its unequal distribution as a central determinant of health and well-being, we will continue to shift pieces within the present configuration of injustice, without challenging injustice itself (Ife, 2002).
The very neglect of power inequality warrants organizational and community interventions that do more than amelioration. In his analysis of community coalitions, Himmelman (2001) arrives at a similar conclusion. Without power equalization coalitions cannot go further than community betterment. With it, they can approximate community empowerment.
WHY ARE ORGANIZATIONAL AND COMMUNITY
INTERVENTIONS SO IMPORTANT?
We spend most of our lives in organizations, either as workers or recipients of services such as education. Think about your life. As a student, you probably spent by now about 14 years of your life in school. Once you leave university, you are very likely to join a workplace. If you do sports, you practice in an organizational setting. If you volunteer, you do so in an agency. People spend most of their lives in one kind of organization or another. The way organizations operate has an impact on you, your family, and society at large.
Organizations can promote life satisfaction and
creativity (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000; Marmot & Finney, 1996) or can
induce a great deal of stress, as in the case of workplace strain, bullying and
harassment (Beehr & O’Driscoll, 2002; Bond, 1999; Duffy & Wong, 2000;
Svyantek & Brown, 2002; Tehrani, 2001; Thomas & Hite, 2002). In a very
compelling longitudinal study, Marmot (1999) showed that the level of control
exercised by different people within an organization has powerful effects on
health, well-being, and even mortality. The less control people have, the
higher the risk of dying (see Box 9.2).
[Insert Box 9.2
About Here]
Intervening in communities is
just as important. The gradient observed in mortality rates among British civil
servants is replicated in social classes at large. Gradient means an increase
in risk with an increase in disadvantage. In a recent longitudinal study of
18751 people in Oslo, McCubbin and Dalgard (2002) found that powerlessness was
a very strong predictor of distress and ill-health in the population. Just as
the lowest paid and lowest skilled workers in the Marmot study had the highest
risk of death, so do people in the lowest occupational level in Oslo experience
the greatest amount of powerlessness and distress (see Figure 9.1).
[Insert Figure 9.1 About Here]
Within countries, the poor,
the unemployed, refugees, single parents, ethnic minorities and the homeless
have poorer indices of health than more privileged groups (Blane, Bruner,
& Wilkinson, 1996; Marmot & Wilkinson, 1999). This applies not only to poor
countries, but to rich countries as well. Homeless people in western countries,
for example, are 34 times more likely to kill themselves than the general
population, 150 times more likely to be fatally assaulted, and 25 times more
likely to die in any period of time than the people who ignore them on the
streets (Shaw, Dorling, & Smith, 1999).
In
addition to the pressing need to narrow the economic gap, there is some urgency
to increase social cohesion, solidarity, and psychological sense of community
(Fisher, Sonn, & Bishop, 2002; Mustard, 1996). Inspiring community
interventions, like the one carried out in Kerala (see Chapter 8), and others
reported in North America by Repucci and colleagues (Repucci, Woolard, &
Fried, 1999), show that mobilization can deliver positive effects in reducing
hunger, malnutrition, violence, and addictions, and in enhancing community
health, social capital and quality of life.
WHAT IS THE ROLE OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGISTS
WORKING IN ORGANIZATIONS?
We identify two potential roles for
community psychologists working in organizations. The first one is the
promotion of amelioration and transformation within the organization. The
second role is the pursuit of amelioration and transformation in the community
served by the organization. These roles may be fulfilled either as internal or
external agents of change. To be effective, community psychologists require
certain skills. The skills we present extend the emotional competencies of
effective leaders documented by Goleman (1995, 1998). Whereas Goleman’s skills
of emotional intelligence apply primarily to organizational efficacy, we
discuss the implications of such skills for transformational work. Finally,
based on the work of Prochaska and colleagues on processes of change, we
describe the steps necessary to succeed in organizational development (Prochaska,
Norcross, & DiClemente, 1994; Weick & Quinn, 1999).
[Insert table 9.1 About Here]
We show in Table 9.1 a variety of outcomes
pertaining to either amelioration or transformation. The difference in outcomes
is predicated on the depth of the changes and the values that underpin them.
Ameliorative interventions pay more attention to the values of health,
collaboration, and support, whereas transformational interventions attend more
to self-determination, social justice and accountability. Some values, such as
self-determination and participation, can be promoted in ameliorative and
transformational interventions, but in very different degrees. The literature
on employee involvement and participation demonstrates that organizations vary
greatly in the degree of autonomy they grant to their workers and volunteers.
Most business organizations tend to limit employee input to suggestions for
problem-solving activities (Klein, Ralls, Smith Major & Douglas, 2000;
Wadell, Cummings, & Worley, 2000; Weick & Quinn, 1999), whereas human
services and alternative settings usually afford workers and volunteers more
voice and choice (Cherniss, 2002; Cherniss & Deegan, 2000; Maton &
Salem, 1995; Nelson, Lord, & Ochocka, 2000; Sarason, 1972). This may
reflect the fact that the latter “focuses on empowerment and well-being” and
the former on “productivity and profitability” (Shinn & Perkins, 2000, p.
635). It should be noted, however, that within each type of organization,
business, public sector, or human services, there is also great variability in
the amount of control and participation given to workers.
Interventions to enhance worker participation take place in small groups where colleagues discuss ways to improve productivity or service delivery. Some of these initiatives have been called Total Quality Management (TQM) or Quality of Working Life (QWL). In essence, groups are formed to analyse processes and outcomes of work and ways to enhance effectiveness and satisfaction. The nature of the groups varies greatly, with some being initiated by management, others by external consultants, and others by union-management committees (Johnson & Johnson, 2000; Klein et al., 2000; Wadell, Cummings & Worley, 2000). Depending of their origins and intent, groups can exercise more or less influence, can be permanent or sporadic, tokenistic or serious. The impact of such groups may very well depend on the depth of the changes generated by them, and on the actual control afforded by management.
Although it is hard to generalize because of the
variability in teams and forms of worker participation, several reviews
documented positive effects for both productivity and worker satisfaction
(Duffy & Wong, 2000; Johnson & Johnson, 2000; Klein et al., 2000; Shinn
& Perkins, 2000; Wadell, Cummings, & Worley, 2000; Weick & Quinn,
1999). Reviewers seem to agree that the overall impact on productivity and
worker satisfaction depends on the duration, intensity, and actual--as opposed
to perceived--control over jobs. When these conditions are present and long
lasting, organizations improve their services and workers feel better about
their jobs. When interventions are short-lived and half-hearted, positive
results fade rather quickly. If means of increasing worker participation and
control were profound, institutionalised, and endorsed by management, we could
say that an ameliorative change has turned into a transformative one. Thus, it
is not only the type of values endorsed that make a difference between
amelioration and transformation, but also the degree to which the values are
fostered.
Reducing stress in the workplace is an aim of many managers, consultants, and worker themselves. Strategies to alleviate stress include participation in decision-making, structural innovations, ergonomic approaches, role-based interventions, social support, and provision of information. In a comprehensive review of the literature, Beehr and O’Driscoll (2002) found that most interventions had only modest effects on stress reduction. Some of the most promising strategies included worker participation in decision-making and role clarification. Role ambiguity, role conflict and role overload are three serious causes of strain. Making sure that workers know what is expected of them, that they do not have unrealistic caseloads, and that they have management support for their duties are useful ways of decreasing strain (Beehr & O’Driscoll, 2002). Role ambiguity is very common in human service organizations. In several of our studies, workers in clinics and family agencies reported dilemmas related to caseloads, territoriality, diffused responsibility, and lack of support by supervisors and management (Prilleltensky, Sanchez, Walsh-Bowers, Rossiter, 2002; Prilleltensky, Walsh-Bowers, Rossiter, 1999; Rossiter, Prilleltensky, & Walsh-Bowers, 2000; Rossiter, Walsh-Bowers, Prilleltensky, 2002). Participants reported that peer support, management backing, and the creation of a safe space for sharing dilemmas were essential components of effectiveness, satisfaction, and sometimes even “emotional survival.” Social support in the workplace has long been recognized as an important correlate of worker well-being (Kyrouz & Humphreys, 1997; Milne, 1999; Quick, Quick, Nelson, Hurrell, 1997; Shinn & Perkins, 2000; Stansfeld, 1999).
Transformational interventions that enhance the well-being of workers can be found in both the human and business sectors. In the human services sector, including health, mental health, disabilities, education, and employment organizations, transformational workplaces tend to have horizontal structures with minimal hierarchies. In addition, they tend to make decisions by consensus and to flatten to power differentials within the organization (Reinharz, 1984; Riger, 2000). Many feminist organizations were created with visions of equality and mutual accountability (hooks, 2002). Self-help organizations often espouse egalitarian structures as well, as do alternative settings that are value-based, mission oriented, and human-focused (Cherniss & Deegan, 2000). In reviewing the creation of alternative settings in human services, Cherniss and Deegan noted that “the self-development of the staff and the health of the organization were considered to be two of the most important priorities” (2000, p. 374).
In business organizations we are also witnessing an increase in the number of the co-operatives and worker owned enterprises (Quarter, 1992; Quarter & Melnyk, 1989). Many of these organizations emphasize human, social and environmental aims and not only the economic bottom line. Korten (1999) documents the spread of such initiatives around the world. These cooperative forms of ownership increase worker well-being, economic security, collective responsibility and environmental awareness. According to Korten (1999), “we are only beginning to tap the possibilities for organizing economic activity with a minimum of hierarchy and central control” (p. 178).
The creation of transformative workplaces is challenging (Cherniss & Deegan, 2000; Goldenberg, 1971; Korten, 1999; Sarason, 1972). Most pioneers point to serious, but not insurmountable barriers. Key obstacles include balancing effectiveness with decentralization of control, economic viability in a world of competition, and meeting the needs of the individual and the collective at the same time. These are exciting places for community psychologists to practice their trade.
Improving quality of
life for workers is only part of a community psychologist’s job. The other part
is to enhance the well-being of consumers, citizens and communities at large.
Caring and compassion and client participation in decision-making processes go
a long way in humanizing social services and empowering people who experience
disadvantage. Re-designing organizations with consumer well-being in mind is a
very appropriate task for community psychologists. We can see in Box 9.3
examples of organizations promoted or supported by community psychologists.
Both in the Lodge Society and in Oxford House, community psychologists assist
in the development, evaluation, and dissemination of organizational models that
are empowering of residents experiencing mental health problems or addicitions.
[Insert Box 9.3 About Here]
In a longitudinal study of three empowering
organizations, including a program for African American university students, a
religious group, and a self-help group for people with psychiatric
disabilities, Maton and Salem (1995) recognized some distinct features that
contributed to the well-being of participants. These organizations had
·
Inspiring
leaders,
·
Growth-oriented
belief systems,
·
Strength-based
philosophies,
·
Structures
that enabled learning and role rotation,
·
Focus on self
and community,
·
Comprehensive
systems of social support, and
·
High sense of
community.
Community psychologists can do much to ensure that human service
organizations adopt the lessons of the Lodge Society, Oxford House, and the other
empowering settings described above.
As in the case of
organizational change, transitioning from amelioration to transformation in
communities is hard. In fact, such a move is a test of our resolve to push
community psychology to new horizons. Paul Speer and his colleagues have been
studying an organization that is trying to make change and not just to cure
(Speer, 2002; Speer & Hughey, 1995; Speer, Hughey, Gensheimer, & Adams
Leavitt, 1995). Pacific Institute of Community Organizations (PICO) is a community-organizing
network with affiliates in 25 cities across the United States. PICO helps to
organize communities to demand more resources for children, families, crime
prevention, poor neighbourhoods, and people with addictions and other social
problems. This organization is very clear on the need to transcend therapeutic
models and to use community power to access more resources. Three principles
support PICO’s organizing efforts:
·
Empowerment
can only be realized through organizing
·
Social power
is built on the strength of interpersonal relationships
·
Individual
empowerment must be grounded in a dialectic of action and reflection
PICO is successful in empowering its members and in getting results. Like other empowering organizations, this one allows members to rotate in their roles and to engage in a variety of tasks. Some of the jobs done by members and volunteers include getting information from public officials, asking politicians difficult questions, mobilizing communities for rallies, arranging transportation, arranging media coverage, facilitating meetings and others. Some of the results include better resources for communities and increased awareness of the political dynamics oppressing the poor and the disenfranchised. In one campaign PICO obtained from city council and private corporations $ 9 million for substance abuse treatment and prevention.
Community psychologists can learn from and assist organizations and communities to change. This can be done from within the organization, as internal agents of change, or from the outside, as consultants or volunteers. We explore in the next sections these different roles.
Community psychologists can help organizations and communities from the inside or the outside (see Table 9.2). Graduating community psychologists often get jobs as program planners, managers in human services, program evaluators, or directors of community services or government departments. Other community psychologists open their own consulting firms and work for other organizations on contract. Alternatively, consultants get government grants to help community organizations deliver a service or evaluate their programs. Both of us, Geoff and Isaac, have worked as internal and external agents of change. We worked in community mental health settings as clinical, school and community psychologists, and both of us provide consultation to a wide range of agencies and groups, including psychiatric consumer/survivor initiatives, community-based prevention programs, self-help groups for immigrants and refugees, community mental health organizations, health promotion foundations, child and family services, local government, voluntary organizations, advocacy and social action groups. Some of the work we do as consultants is on contract but we also do a lot of external consulting for free. It is part of being a citizen in a community. We have good paying jobs in universities that afford us the opportunity to spend time volunteering in the community, it is a privilege we do not take for granted.
Either as internal or external agents of change, community psychologists can exert more or less control over the process of change. Depending on the level of control exercised, Dimock (1992) identified six possible roles for agents of change. In decreasing order of control, they are:
· Director: managers or administrators who make decisions and give instructions in order to control the intervention
· Expert: System analyst or organizational consultant who diagnoses problems and uses knowledge to tell others what to do
· Consultant: Community developer and consultant who makes suggestions and whose influence derives from respect and trust
· Resource: Group trainer or resource provider who helps group to collect data and provides training in planning skills
· Facilitator: Process consultant, helper or group observer who assists with group processes
· Collaborator: Staff, board or community member who are interested in change and join groups or teams planning and carrying out interventions.
As internal or external agents of change community psychologists can fulfil any one of these roles. We caution, however, against the adoption of director or expert roles, as they tend to alienate partners. It is possible to be a manager or executive director, but still work in a very collaborative manner. The position does not have to dictate the intervention style. We favour intervention styles that are collaborative and that share control across levels of the organization and the community, not only because they are in line with our values, but also because they are more effective (Bond, 1999; Dimock, 1992; Ife, 2002; Johnson & Johnson, 2000; Klein et al., 2000; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002; Shinn & Perkins, 2000).
To be effective as
internal or external agents of change community psychologists require a set of
skills. In previous chapters we reviewed the conceptual foundations of
community psychology theory, research, and action. In this section we want to
emphasize some of the interpersonal and emotional competencies required to
interact with people in organizations and communities. Goleman (1995, 1998)
integrated a great deal of research concerning the personal and interpersonal
skills that predict satisfaction in families, work, school, and communities. He
called this set of skills emotional intelligence.
[Insert Table 9.3
About Here]
Goleman’s work provides a
valuable foundation for understanding what is required to become an effective
change maker. However, his contributions do not emphasize the same value-base
or transformational goals that we deem important for community psychology.
Goleman does not necessarily critique the exploitive nature of the corporations
he studied, nor does he emphasize the need to use emotional intelligence to
overcome oppression and injustice. Hence, we present in Table 9.3 the main
emotional competencies identified by Goleman (1998) and their transformational
potential. We agree with Goleman that these skills are vital for communicating
effectively with others and exerting influence in respectful ways. He is very
clear that change needs to take into account how other people feel about it. In
our view, Goleman’s main contribution is to personal and relational well-being.
We are interested in distilling the implications of his theory for collective
well-being as well.
The left hand side of Table
9.3 lists the emotional competencies required to get along with others, to get
along with oneself, and to get self and others to work for change. The right
hand side of the table derives the implications of such skills for
transformational change in organizations and communities. Whereas the top half
of the table deals with personal competencies such as self awareness, self
regulation and motivation, the lower half list social competencies such as
empathy, communication skills, conflict resolution and leadership.
Goleman’s emotional
competencies concentrate on the values of caring, compassion, and collaboration
at the interpersonal level. We see in them potential to contribute to social
justice and accountability at the collective level. If Goleman highlighted
personal and interpersonal intelligence, we want to develop the concept of
collective intelligence, or the ability of the individual to think about the
well-being of the collective, and the capacity of the collective to act on
behalf of the individual. As community psychologists, it is our job to find
ways to promote collective intelligence, not just interpersonal skills.
[Insert Table 9.4 About Here]
Now that we know what emotional
competencies are needed to foster and sustain change in organizations, we can
use them to make progress through the different stages of change. All phases of
organizational development require a combination of self-awareness,
self-regulation, empathy and social skills. Self-awareness is required to
assess (a) how organizational dynamics affect your own well-being, and (b) your
confidence to challenge the system. Self-regulation is required to make
positive use of self-awareness in instigating change, while motivation is
needed to get the process of transformation under way. Empathy, in turn, is
needed to understand how the status quo and alternative modes of operation
affect co-workers and partners. Social skills are essential in negotiating with
multiple stakeholders the various tasks, aims, and processes of innovation,
always mindful of how power differences affect the different players in the
organization. Each phase of change calls for the synergy of the various
emotional, interpersonal and transformational competencies described in Table
9.3.
Prochaska and colleagues postulated
a theory of change that has been successfully used and applied to individual
and organizational change (Prochaska, Norcorss, & DiClemente, 1994; Weick
& Quinn, 1999). The theory describes predictable and necessary stages of
change. Table 9.4 applies concepts of the theory to organizational work. For
each one of the steps we describe key questions for planning and
implementation. These questions should help you and other community
psychologists in trying to produce change and recruit support for it.
The first
two stages of change relate to pre-contemplation and contemplation. In
pre-contemplation it is possible that nobody, except you perhaps, or a few
silent others, are aware that something needs to be done about an
unsatisfactory situation. In which case, somebody needs to raise consciousness
about the problems. In contemplation you are already planting the seed to move
the process forward. Discontent may turn into positive action. But for others
to listen to you, you need to stay connected while creating a minor (or major)
disturbance to the status quo. Bond
(1999) coined the concept connected-disruption to describe the job of community
psychologists within organizations. According to her we have to be able to
point to unjust practices and still remain engaged with most people in order
for them to listen to us.
“I characterize this prescription for change as
connected disruption. Confronting our collective complacency with
organizational arrangements that preclude meaningful involvement across gender,
race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and disability involves a process of
developing a disruptive edge yet doing so while staying in relationships with
others. It involves connecting to individuals while disrupting organizational
culture.” (Bond, 1999, p. 351)
The third step, preparation, involves the
planning and design of innovations or alterations to the current system of
work, service delivery, or communication patterns, whatever the case might be.
During the action phase, it is very important to make sure that all
stakeholders affected by the new system of work are involved. Once again, not
only is it in line with our values, but it is also the most efficacious way of
going about change because it creates ownership, commitment and accountability
(Dimock, 1992; Goleman, 1998; Johnson & Johnson, 2000).
Once the action has been initiated,
it is crucial to put in place systems for monitoring accurate implementation of
the intended changes. The sustainability and dissemination of innovations
depend on a careful plan for making the innovation or new program an integral
part of the institution (Dalton, Elias, & Wandersman, 2001). In the absence
of maintenance and monitoring systems, change is likely to be weak and short
lived. Although parts of the next step, evaluation, cannot be undertaken until
changes have been introduced into the system, some aspects of the evaluation
can be undertaken during the implementation itself. This will enable a
formative assessment of how things are going. By observing the change process
itself, we are able to feed back useful information that can improve and refine
the innovation while it is being introduced. We call this process action
research (Reason & Bradbury, 2001), and you will learn more about it in
Chapters 11 and 12.
An ideal follow up to any process of
organizational development is for the settings to become a learning
organization itself, one that constantly evaluates and adjusts its operations
in line with its values, goals, and changing contexts. The learning
organization involves everyone in the process of improving the personal and
interpersonal well-being of workers and the collective well-being of the
community (Senge, 1990; Senge & Scharmer, 2001). This model has also been
called the continuous change process (Weick & Quinn, 1999).
What are the Strengths and Weaknesses of Organizational Interventions?
The strengths of organizational
interventions derive primarily from their potential to
affect the lives of thousands or millions of people. Organizations affect our lives in
multiple ways. The sooner we make workplaces, schools, civic institutions and
government departments more participatory, value-based and transformational,
the sooner we will be able to improve the lives of workers and communities
alike. As social change happens in, through, and because of organizations, the
potential to use organizations to produce larger changes is significant. Given
that community psychologists work or volunteer in organizations, they have many
opportunities to make a change.
But we have to be conscious of traps and threats. Complacency and resistance are major barriers to change (see Box 9.1). Swimming against the tide
can be emotionally draining and potentially risky. Challengers of the status
quo risk exclusion, marginalisation, labelling, and potential unemployment. The
forces of resistance are almost always stronger than the forces of change
(Beehr & O’Driscoll, 2002; Dimock, 1992; Hahn, 1994; Klein et al, 2000;
Waddell, Cummings, & Worley, 2000; Weick & Quinn, 1999).
The ubiquitous risk of cosmetic
changes is called tokenism. It is a technique used to introduce small changes
that create the appearance of change but in fact help to prevent
transformations. Sullivan (1984) calls this phenomenon dislocation, by which he means “a process whereby
something new is brought into a cultural system and has the ability to mute the
partial critical insight of that cultural system” (p. 165). Changes of a minor
nature are introduced into organizations with the purpose of creating an aura
of innovation, changes that invariably delay attention to more structural
issues.
An exclusive inward focus is
another potential deviation that needs to be monitored. Some organizations
invest in development only to advance the interests of
upper management or privileged stakeholders (Alvesson & Willmott, 1992; Baritz, 1974;
Hollway, 1991; Lawthom, 1999). Business and human service organizations alike have
also been criticized for starting half-hearted
initiatives that create
expectations of improvement but amount only to passing fads that strengthen the
status quo (Prilleltensky, 1994; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002).
WHAT IS THE ROLE OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGISTS
WORKING IN COMMUNITIES?
The skills and processes required
for organizational change apply to community change as well. In many cases,
community psychologists represent one organization in working with another.
Neighbourhood centres, schools, community mental health clinics, universities,
they all interact with each other and with government in starting new programs
or policies. But if the skills are similar, the contexts are different. We are
moving from one level of analysis to another, a larger one.
Inter-organizational work is becoming very prevalent in community psychology,
and for good reasons. No one organization has the power to enhance community well-being
on its own. Inter-agency collaborations can mobilize multiple partners for
interventions with synergic outcomes (Foster-Fishman, Salem, Allend, &
Fahrbach, 2001; Wolff, 2001). Given the promise of partnerships for community
change, we chose to concentrate a part of this chapter on the role of partnership maker.
The creation of coalitions is really a prelude to community change. Hence, we
discuss as well the role of change maker. Finally, we discuss the role of knowledge maker,
which should always accompany intervention efforts.
[Insert Table 9.5 About Here]
Partnership Maker
To make a change in an organization you need to find
allies. Similarly, to make a change in a community you need partners. Table 9.5
describes seven steps in the creation and actualisation of partnerships for
change. In each step the community psychologist assumes a particular role. She
wears different hats depending on the phase, but she always keeps all the hats
in her bag, just in case, for partnerships are very dynamic and boundaries
across phases often blur. Still, it is useful to identify the primary role in
each step. Based on our previous work and reports of other community
psychologists we identify seven main roles for the seven main tasks of
partnerships (Elias, 1994; Foster-Fishman, Berkowitz, Lounsbury, Jacobson,
& Allen, 2001; Nelson, Amio, Prilleltensky, & Nickels, 2000; Nelson,
Prilleltensky, & MacGillivary, 2001; Prilleltensky, 2001; Prilleltensky,
Martell, Valenzuela, Hernandez, 2001; Prilleltensky, Peirson, Gould, &
Nelson, 1997; Wolff, 2001).
·
Inclusive host: Whether you are initiating the
partnership yourself, or you have been invited to one, you need to behave like
an inclusive host. Power differentials are always at play in partnerships,
primarily when community members with little or no formal education join the
group. We think it is very important to contribute to a climate of respect and
mutual support
·
Visionary: Once we are comfortable with each other, the
business of change begins. We caution against skipping this stage. As a
collective, partners need to establish a common vision for the project. Our
role is to help in visioning outcomes and processes for the collaborative work.
·
Asset seeker: This is an important role for two reasons. First,
in line with the values of self-determination, collaboration and respect for
diversity, we want to afford everyone an opportunity to express her or his
views about what needs to be done. Each person has the right to express an
opinion, regardless of expert status. Second, and just as importantly, valuable
knowledge emerges from everyone in the partnership: citizens, professionals,
and volunteers alike. We will never know what material or conceptual assets
people bring unless we look for them.
·
Listener conceptualizer: To define the problem cooperatively we
need to listen carefully to what all the partners are saying. Next, we need to
formulate the problem in light of previous research and local knowledge.
·
Pragmatic partner: At this stage we wear the doer hat. The
time has come to take action, and to do it with others. However, we should not
forget the previous roles. We still need to be inclusive hosts, asset seekers,
and good listeners. We have to be able to read the context and assess the
group’s readiness for action. To do so, we invoke the set of emotional and
transformational skills presented in Table 9.4.
·
Research partner: Throughout the planning and
implementation, we study the work of the partnership. We engage partners in
evaluating the process and the outcomes of the work.
·
Trend setter: It is not enough to have an excellent pilot
project that gets forgotten soon after it was born. We have to ensure that
partners adopt the innovation and disseminate it widely. We have to create
enduring trends, not just passing fads.
Change Maker
How do we make sure that partnerships do not end up
reproducing the status quo? After all, collaboration is a powerful tool used by
protectors of the status quo. Business elites and conservative groups strike
alliances to repel threats to the dominant social order (Barlow & Campbell,
1995; McQuaig, 1998). The risk of dislocation, reviewed in the context of
organizations, applies all the same to partnerships and coalitions. It is
entirely possible that coalitions for health, safety and prevention divert
attention from political reform. Hence, we make a distinction between
partnership maker and change maker. For us, change makers have to elicit in
themselves and others the transformational potential of emotional competencies.
This involves asking hard questions such as whose
interests the coalition represents, whose power will be enhanced, whose values
will be upheld, and whose lives will be improved by the intervention (Lord & Church, 1998).
The emotional competencies for transformation reviewed
earlier are a resource for community change. They just need to be focused on
how the interventions will improve the lives of those with less power, less
access to services, and less influence. Organizations like PICO strive to keep
a focus on social change, as do consumer/survivor organizations struggling to
change not only psychiatry, but society’s perceptions of people with mental
health problems as well (see Chapter 21). Going back to Table 9.1, we want to
make sure that our interventions transcend amelioration and move towards
transformation.
Some radical transformations occur when people
renounce the dominant system of consumerism and form communes and cooperatives
such as Mondragon in Spain and the Israeli kibbutzim (Ife, 2002). In
cooperatives of that kind people make major changes by adopting a simpler and
more environmentally friendly lifestyle. These are examples of self-contained
communities where cooperation is the primary value. Transformational changes in
communities that are contiguous with the dominant capitalist system are harder
to sustain.
Nation, Wandersman, and Perkins (in press) review
the work of several North American community development corporations (CDCs)
and comprehensive community initiatives (CCIs). These partnerships address
health, psychological, social, economic and urban issues. The
Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation, for instance, implemented political
and economic action that culminated in better social services, improved housing
and new retail stores. Other efforts improved health habits and rates of child
immunization. These and other achievements, obtained through community
development, group mobilization, advocacy and political lobbying, tended to
fade away due to lack of sustainability. For interventions to be effective, and
to last, the authors recommend four strategies:
·
Comprehensiveness: In line with the value of holism
expressed in Chapter 2, the authors recommend intervening at multiple levels
and targeting multiple issues at the same time. According to them “a piecemeal
approach rarely produces the critical mass needed to turn around distressed
communities” (Nation, Wandersman, & Perkins, in press, p. 15).
·
Empowerment: Citizen participation and capacity building are
emphasized to embed the intervention in the life of the community.
·
Identification and utilization of
assets: Similar to the role
of asset seeker in creating partnerships, the authors recommend “identifying,
mapping, developing, and using indigenous social, physical, and economic
assets” (Nation, Wandersman, & Perkins, in press, p. 16).
· Sustainability: Community psychologists need to procure the continuation of material, human, environmental, social and political resources to maintain the momentum for change.
The Massachusetts Area Health Education Centre
supports Health and Human Service Coalitions (Wolff, 2000). This coalition
seems to enact most of the prescriptions suggested by Nation, Wandersman and
Perkins. In addition, and crucially, the coalition seems to inch towards
transformation. We describe the work of Tom Wolff and the coalition in Box 9.4.
[Insert Box 9.4 About Here]
Knowledge Maker
Community psychologists have much to learn from
successful and failed interventions. Each intervention consists of mini-cycles
of interventions. By studying the enabling and inhibiting factors each step of
the way, they can improve the next cycle, and the one after that. We call this
a formative evaluation. At the end of a project or a major initiative, it is
time to take stock of what has been accomplished, what has been learned, and
what could be done differently in the future. We call this summative or outcome
evaluations. An action research approach that promotes learning by all
stakeholders, throughout the whole process, ensures that important lessons are
not lost along the way (Elias, 1994; Flyvbjerg, 2001; Reason & Bradbury,
2001). Part of the community psychologist’s job is to nurture a culture of
knowledge.
What
Are the Strengths and Limitations of Community Interventions?
The strengths and limitations of community
interventions can be gleaned from a review on citizen participation and
community organizations. Wandersman and Florin (2000) report that the main
effects of citizen participation were related to physical and environmental
conditions of the community, levels of crime, provision of social services,
interpersonal relationships, sense of community, satisfaction with place of
residence, personal efficacy, and psychological empowerment. Although these are
positive and encouraging findings, their review did not reveal outcomes
associated with increased political activity or direct social action. Most effects appear to be associated with ameliorative -- as opposed
to transformative -- actions.
Herein lie the main benefits and shortcomings of community interventions.
There is little doubt that community interventions can improve quality of life. Tangible outcomes in the form of reduced crime, abuse, violence, and improved health, cohesion, and urban civility make a difference in the daily lives of community members (McNeely, 1999; Power, 1996). Our challenge, however, is to blend the pursuit of short-term care and compassion with the long-term struggle for justice. For it is only when justice prevails that political, economic, and social resources can be distributed fairly and equitably.
What are some of the Dilemmas Faced by Community Psychologists
Working
in Organizations and Communities?
Once you are trained to identify
injustice at the interpersonal, organizational, community and societal levels,
it is hard to keep it a secret. Once you associate with people who share your
passion for making a difference, it is hard to live with norms of oppression.
What’s the problem, you ask. The problem is that many others may not share your
passion or convictions. When opposition mounts, you face a tough choice:
struggle and resist or acquiesce. As Bond (1999) claimed, it is hard to remain
connected with the people who perpetuate injustice. The dilemma is how far you
can challenge the system before you begin paying a price in the form of
exclusion, labelling, and disconnection. The opposite dilemma is no less
pressing: How to live in harmony with your values if you do not enact
resistance.
The foregoing dilemmas refer to taking action. A
further quandary is what type of action to take. What to do when we are aware
that, despite much rhetoric, we are stuck in ameliorative mode? David
Chavis (2000) has been involved in community development for 25 years. He has
worked for many citizen committees and organizations. His capacity building
efforts have made a major contribution to many block associations. To what
extent that type of work leads to transformation and not just amelioration is
not very clear. Chavis (2001) himself criticizes community coalitions for not
pushing the social justice agenda far enough.
SUMMARY
In this
chapter we considered how community psychologists could make a difference in
organizations and communities alike. We drew a distinction between
interventions that ameliorate conditions of suffering and disadvantage and
those that seek to make more profound transformations. This challenge pervades
community psychology work. Typically, ameliorative changes attend to values
such as caring, compassion, health, and a measure of participation. Transformative
interventions, in turn, promote social justice, accountability, and meaningful
participation and empowerment. To promote either type of change, we require
skills that can be strategically applied at different stages of the
intervention. Emotional competencies are important for working effectively with
people in groups, organizations, and partnerships. To ensure that emotional
competencies are used for social change, we pointed to their transformational
potential.
Discrete
steps can be followed to increase the likelihood of success in organizational
and community interventions. Following the theory of change proposed by
Prochaska and colleagues we outlined a sequence of steps for raising awareness
of problems, planning, implementing and evaluating new initiatives.
At the
community level, we identified three primary roles for community psychologists:
partnership maker, change maker, and knowledge maker. Most of the skills and
steps discussed in the organizational context may be applied in the community
context and vice versa. The functions performed by the partnership maker
(inclusive host, visionary, listener conceptualizer, asset seeker, pragmatic
partner, research partner, and trend setter) can be assimilated into the job of
the organizational developer. The emotional competencies identified for
organizational work are equally valid in coalition formation (Cherniss, 2002).
Likewise, the dilemmas experienced in organizations make life harder in
community settings as well.
Resources
1.
Volume 34, number
1 of The Community Psychologist (Winter 2001) contains a special section
on liberation psychology edited by Rod Watts. You will find there some examples
of interventions that move from amelioration towards transformation.
January-February
2.
A special
issue of the American Journal of Community Psychology (2003), edited by
Rod Watts and Irma Serrano Garcia, is entirely devoted liberation and responses
to oppression. That special issue also contains examples of transformative
interventions.
3.
A special
section of the American Journal of Community Psychology (2001, volume
29, number 2), edited by Thomas Wolff, deals extensively with the issue of
community coalition building.
4.
You studied
in this chapter some of PICO’s interventions and strategies. You can visit
their website on www.piconetwork.org
5.
A group of
community psychologists has developed a web-based community toolbox that
contains user-friendly guidelines for community development. Visit http://ctb.ukans.edu
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section]. American Journal of Community Psychology, 29(2).

Legend:
I
Higher service class
II
Lower service class
III
Routine non-manual, self-employed, supervisors
IV
Skilled manual
V
Unskilled manual
Based on a longitudinal study of 18751 people in Oslo. The HSCL-10 is a short version of the HSCL-25 measuring psychological distress. The pattern of the chart remains the same when controlling for age and sex. Used with permission from the authors (McCubbin & Dalgard, 2002).
|
Population served by interventions |
Ameliorative |
Transformative |
|
Workers within the organization |
Collaboration across units Moderate participation Autonomy Caring and compassion for colleagues Conflict resolution plans Policies against harassment and bullying Family friendly policies Peer support Personal development Stress reduction Prevent burnout Improve communication |
Accountability across and within levels of organization Attention to issues of social injustice Full participation in decision making processes Meaning seeking activities Attention to power differences Oppose discrimination Equalize power |
|
Community, citizens, clients and consumers |
Caring and compassion toward clients and citizens Workers contribute to civic associations through charity Partnerships for health and well-being Reinforce community structures Advocacy on behalf of clients Provision of new or better services |
Mission of social change Allow community stakeholders full access to decision making Respect the environment Make community politically aware Accountability to disadvantaged members of community Support clients in resisting oppression and injustice |
Table 9.2
Internal and External Agents of Change in Organizations
|
Internal Agents of Change |
External Agents of Change |
|
Managers Executive Director Administrator Staff member Member
of the Board |
Organizational Consultant Member of the Community Conflict Resolution Mediator Trainer Program Evaluator |
Table 9.3
Emotional Competencies and Their Transformational Potential
|
Emotional Competencies |
Transformational Potential |
|
Personal competence Self-awareness Emotional awareness Accurate self-assessment Self-confidence Self-regulation Self-control Trustworthiness Conscientiousness Adaptability Innovation Motivation Achievement drive Commitment Initiative Optimism Social competence Empathy Understanding others Developing others Service orientation Leveraging diversity Political awareness Social skills Influence Communication Conflict management Leadership Change catalyst Building bonds Collaboration and cooperation Team capabilities |
Personal competence Self-awareness Recognizing personal experiences of oppression Understanding impact of oppression on self Sense of agency Self-regulation Monitoring effects of oppression on behaviour Ethical behaviour in all domains of life Accountability for actions Appreciation of impact of change on self Willingness to be challenged Motivation Pursuit of liberation and well-being Commitment to change, liberation and well-being Ability to mobilize self and others Work with others to maintain hope Social competence Empathy Appreciating others’ experiences of oppression Promoting others’ sense of agency Transformational orientation Respecting and valuing minorities’ experiences Perceiving effects of power dynamics in groups Social skills Persuasive in promoting need for justice Active listening and use of plain messages Fair resolution of differences Inspiring self and others to do their best Promotion of change for liberation and well-being Solidarity with people who are marginalized Value-based partnerships Fostering synergy, fun, and satisfaction in group |
Table 9.4
|
Steps |
Aim: What do we want to achieve? |
People: Who should be involved? |
Tasks: What needs to be done? |
Accountability: Who will do it? |
Timetable: When will it be done? |
|
Pre-contemplation |
Create awareness |
Allies in change |
Inform others |
Choose effective people |
Decide on period of time to raise awareness |
|
Contemplation |
Create need for change |
Allies and potential allies |
Identify specific problems and spread information |
People with credibility in organization |
Enough time to build momentum for change |
|
Preparation |
Choose specific goals and areas of change |
People with influence and credibility |
Gather data about problem and devise plan |
Internal and/or external consultants with representative group |
Have clear timelines for preparation phase |
|
Action |
Carry out most effective interventions |
Everyone affected by the proposed change |
Multiple tasks associated with changes |
Involve multiple agents of change |
Decide ahead of time on schedule as too much time diminishes credibility |
|
Maintenance |
Put in place systems for sustainability |
Everyone affected by change |
Key activities to sustain and institutionalise change |
As many people as possible |
Offer maintenance activities at regular intervals |
|
Evaluation |
Evaluate process and outcomes of change |
Consult with as many people affected as possible |
Quantitative and qualitative techniques of evaluation |
Internal and/or external evaluators |
Ideally conduct pre, during and post evaluations |
|
Follow up |
Become a learning and empowering organization |
As many people affected by intervention as possible |
Institutionalise learning circles and cycles |
Decentralize responsibility for learning cycles and circles |
Continuous cycle of learning |
Table 9.5
Adapted from Nelson, Amio, Prilleltensky, and Nickels (2000)
Box 9.1 What To Do
When You Find You Are Riding a Dead Horse I.
Change riders II.
Buy a stronger whip III.
Say “This is the way we’ve always ridden” IV.
Appoint a committee to study the horse V.
Arrange a visit to other sites to see how they ride a dead horse VI.
Increase the standards for riding dead horses VII.
Appoint a group to revive the dead horse VIII.
Create a training session to improve riding skills IX.
Compare the state of dead horses in today’s environment X.
Change the requirements so that the horse no longer meets the
standard of death XI.
Hire an external consultant to show how a dead horse can be ridden XII.
Change performance requirements for the horse XIII.
Increase funding to improve the horse’s performance XIV.
Declare that no horse is too dead to beat XV.
Buy a computer program
to enhance dead horse performance
Box 9.2 Occupational Status, Control, and Risk of Death Michael Marmot, a former
Australian, was knighted for his ground--breaking research in England.
Marmot studied the lives of thousands of British Civil servants. He
followed up the lives of government employees for over 25 years. After he
eliminated all other possible sources of health and illness, he realized
that those workers who experienced little control over their jobs were two,
three, and even four times more likely to die than those who experienced a
lot of control over their jobs. Marmot (1999) divided the civil
servants into four groups: Managers, professionals, clerical, and office
support. Managers had the most amount of control over their jobs whereas
the group called office support had the least. Professionals were second
and clerical staff third. Compared to managers, professionals were twice as
likely to die, clerical staff were three times as likely, and the last
group, which included people with few skills, were four times more likely
to die. This is a persuasive argument for augmenting the level of control
people can have in organizations.
Box 9.3 Lodge Societies and Oxford Houses Community
psychologist George Fairweather (1972) developed an intervention approach called “experimental social
innovation.” He argued for the creation of innovative programs, rigorous
experimental evaluation of such programs to demonstrate their
effectiveness, and then active dissemination of the empirically-validated
innovation. As an example, Fairweather and colleagues developed a
community alternative to institutionalization for people with serious
mental health problems called the “lodge society.” The lodge was a residential setting
that emphasized what we would now recognize as self-help principles. Former patients lived cooperatively
and operated small businesses. A randomized controlled trial showed that
the lodge residents were less likely to be rehospitalized and more likely
to work than patients with typical discharge services. Oxford Houses are residential settings designed
to help people recover from alcohol and substance abuse. The houses afford
residents a great degree of freedom in choice of treatment and lifestyle.
Run democratically, residents exert a fair amount of control over daily
routines and maintenance. Through the creation of a supportive mutual help
community, residents help each other to recover from the effects of their
addictions. Researchers from DePaul University in Chicago found that the
psychological sense of community experienced in the setting was very
important to residents in their struggle towards abstinence and recovery
(Ferrari, Jason, Olson, Davis, & Alvarez, 2002). Community
psychologists play an important role in devising, evaluating, and improving
residential options for recovery. Box 9.4 Health and Human Service Coalitions in
Massachusetts: Inching Towards Transformation? Community
psychologist Thomas Wolff works for the Massachusetts Area Health Education
Centre. He works with coalitions to improve the quality of life in the
community. The coalitions have six guiding principles: Although the coalitions’
initial efforts typically focus on health issues and human services, they
generally move towards transformative and political aims that address
social change. The Worcester Latino Coalition, for instance, started
addressing access to health care but developed into a voter registration
campaign. “When coalitions realize that members of the legislature and city
hall listen and respond to their issues, they move from a sense of
powerlessness to one of empowerment” (Wolff, 2000, p. 774). Box 9.3 Lodge Societies and Oxford Houses Community
psychologist George Fairweather (1972) developed an intervention approach called “experimental social
innovation.” He argued for the creation of innovative programs, rigorous
experimental evaluation of such programs to demonstrate their
effectiveness, and then active dissemination of the empirically-validated
innovation. As an example, Fairweather and colleagues developed a community alternative to institutionalization for people with serious
mental health problems called the “lodge society.” The lodge was a residential setting
that emphasized what we would now recognize as self-help principles. Former patients lived cooperatively
and operated small businesses. A randomized controlled trial showed that
the lodge residents were less likely to be rehospitalized and more likely
to work than patients with typical discharge services. Oxford Houses are residential settings designed to
help people recover from alcohol and substance abuse. The houses afford
residents a great degree of freedom in choice of treatment and lifestyle.
Run democratically, residents exert a fair amount of control over daily routines
and maintenance. Through the creation of a supportive mutual help
community, residents help each other to recover from the effects of their
addictions. Researchers from DePaul University in Chicago found that the
psychological sense of community experienced in the setting was very
important to residents in their struggle towards abstinence and recovery
(Ferrari, Jason, Olson, Davis, & Alvarez, 2002). Community
psychologists play an important role in devising, evaluating, and improving
residential options for recovery.