Chapter 8

Social Interventions

Chapter Aims

After reading this chapter you will be able to answer the following questions: (a) What are social interventions?, (b) Why are they important?, (c) What is the value-base of social interventions?, (d) How do social interventions promote well-being and liberation?, and (e) What are the strengths and limitations of social interventions?

Meet Richard Wilkinson, world-renown health scientist based in the UK. Through the publication of Unhealthy Societies: The Afflictions of Inequality (1996), Wilkinson changed the way many people think about health and well-being. He reported in the book the results of comparative studies on health, inequality and longevity. Main conclusion: Unless we change the social environment in which people live, our chances of improving health and well-being are minimal (see also Gray, 2001). Based on his studies, Wilkinson (1996) regrets the current state of affairs in the helping professions.

“Sometimes it is a matter of providing screening and early treatment, other times of trying to change some aspect of lifestyle, but always it is a matter of providing some service or intervention. This applies not just to health, but also to studies of a wide range of social, psychological, developmental and educational problems. What happens is that the original source of the problem in society is left unchanged (and probably unknown) while expensive new services are proposed to cater for the individuals most affected. Each new problem leads to a demand for additional resources for services to try to put right the damage which continues to be done. Because the underlying flaw in the system is not put right, it gives rise to a continuous flow, both of people who have suffered as a result, and of demands for special services to meet their needs.” (p. 21)

The Institute of Medicine concurs. In a recent study by the Institute, the research committee recommends the endorsement of a “social environmental approach to health and health intervention” (Smedley & Syme, 2000, p. 3). The co-chairs of the committee reported that “societal-level phenomena are critical determinants of health…. Stress, insufficient financial and social supports, poor diet, environmental exposures, community factors and characteristics, and many other health risks may be addressed by one-to-one intervention efforts, but such efforts do little to address the broader social and economic forces that influence these risks” (Smedley & Syme, 2000, p. 3). Their point is that “fixing individuals” without “fixing societies” is obviously not enough. Make no mistake; this situation applies not only to health but also to psychosocial problems, discrimination, exclusion and marginality. We cannot eliminate racism one-racist-at-a-time when the cultural norms uphold discrimination.

It is not enough to change “downstream” individual-level factors such as lifestyle factors and biochemical pathways to disease. We also have to change “upstream” societal-level factors such as public policies.

While we applaud the change in focus from the personal to the collective, we question whether the new focus will lead to transformational or merely ameliorative changes in society. Are more social services the answer to oppression and discrimination? Will more bandaid solutions reduce the effects of economic insecurity? We think not. Though necessary, it is insufficient to shift focus from the personal to the social level. Once we work at the social level, we have to make sure that we will try to transform systems of oppression and inequality. We do not want to perfect systems that ultimately contribute to oppression and ill-health.

Meet Linda Stout, Founder of the Piedmont Peace Project in North Carolina, seasoned activist and author of Bridging the Class Divide and Other Lessons for Grassroots Organizing (1996). Stout shares our concern for making social change, not just social aid.

“Many people and organizations confuse social service with social change. Too often, people try to deal with whatever problem is at hand with “bandaids,” by treating the symptoms of social problems rather than the causes. It’s very tempting for activists to do this….to respond to whatever emergency is happening at the moment—to fix it quickly with whatever is within reach—rather than stop and look at the bigger picture. As Kip Tiernan of Rosie’s Place, a women’s shelter in Boston, tells it, women are so busy trying to pull the babies that are drowning out of the river that they never stop to go to the head of the river to see who’s throwing them in.” (Stout, 1996, pp. 105-106)

Linda Stout knows. She has been involved for many years in social action and social change. She knows the difference between bandaids and structural change. Stout worked with poor people in the Carolinas and beyond on literacy, voter registration, disarmament, gays and lesbians rights, and other causes that made her a true believer in systemic change. She is not content with cosmetic changes or more services.

“People often think social service—giving poor people things to help them out—is all that is needed to fix things. This kind of service is important, but it falls short of changing the systemic oppression that is the root of the problem. Social service is not the same as organizing people for social change. Providing services does not result in social change.” (Stout, 1996, p. 106)

A recent review of social, community, and preventive interventions in the Annual Review of Psychology discusses violence as a public health problem and health promotion across the lifespan (Repucci, Woolard, & Fried, 1999). The authors call on community psychologists to become more involved in policy making. But we have to be cautious that the type of policy-making we do is not going to perpetuate the status quo, as many of them do. Edelman (2001) noted that what is sold to the public as a major rewrite of policies is really not more than a minor edit on old scripts. Power structures remain unchanged, while the appearance of change is confused for the real thing.

Our challenge is to move from social services to social change and from amelioration to transformation. Whereas amelioration is about treating the victims of the system, transformation is about changing the system itself. Systemic change is called second order change, whereas minor reform within existing structures is called first order change (Watzlawick, Weakland, & Fisch, 1974).

In this chapter we explore social interventions (SI) and discuss their implications for second order change and for transformation. In the next chapter we discuss community and organizational interventions. Here we concentrate on large-scale interventions driven by either governments or social movement organizations (SMOs) and non-government organizations (NGOs).

WHAT ARE SOCIAL INTERVENTIONS?

Social interventions are intentional processes designed to affect the well-being of the population through changes in values, policies, programs, distribution of resources, power differentials and cultural norms (Bennett, 1987; Maton, 2000). By intentional processes we mean interventions that are methodically planned and carefully executed. To achieve well-being at the personal, relational, and collective domains, we have to attend to the various components provided in the definition above. To alter values without altering policies and programs is ineffectual. Re-writing policies without allocating more resources to the poor is merely window dressing.

Our definition, we agree, sets a very high standard for what constitutes a valid SI. We expect those to change values, programs, policies, and power relations. This is a tall order. No question about that. But, we argue, if we want to achieve transformation, as expressed in chapter seven, then we must make an effort to go beyond the current state of affairs.

In general terms, SI can be driven by government or by NGOs. Within government, community psychologists can work as “insiders,” trying to implement policies and programs that liberate people from oppressive forces (including government itself). Outside government, community psychologists can act as “outsiders” in SMOs (e.g., the women’s movement; the disability rights movement), and NGOs (e. g., Block associations, community safety groups; Greenpeace, Amnesty International, The Children’s Defence Fund) (Hall, 1995).

In the Belly of the Beast

To the average citizen, governments look like huge and amorphous structures that have a life of their own. Yet, there are very real people, sitting in offices, making decisions that affect the lives of thousands and sometimes millions of people. Change in government policies is never quick, but community psychologists have an opportunity to influence policy directions by being inside the “belly of the beast” (Phillips, 2000; Shonkhoff & Phillips, 2000).

Through the collection of taxes, governments have enormous resources at their disposal. How to use the money is a question of intense debate within government and across the political divide (Lavalette & Pratt, 1997).

From the outside, government may seem ugly and “political” and contentious. In fact, many times it is. But if we don’t become involved, who will? If we resign ourselves to the exclusive role of outsiders, we will never have direct access to decision-making power or influence.

Governments are not monolithic entities. That is, not all parts of governments follow the same policy, nor all members of a particular ministry agree on policies and priorities. The challenge for community psychologists is to insert themselves in places where change can be promoted, and to find sufficient supports within and outside government for their work. True, the work is very hard, but the rewards can be enormous. Changing policies that will improve the well-being of millions of people can be very satisfying. Imagine if you were instrumental in implementing a more progressive taxation system, redistributing wealth from the top 10% of the population to the bottom 30% (George, 2002). Or if you were able to secure unemployment insurance for people made redundant due to plant transfers to developing countries. Or what if you participated in legislation to extend medical insurance to the entire population. Those would be pretty major achievements.

Challenging the Status Quo

Often, governments are at fault for failing to provide adequate resources for disadvantaged communities. When policies and practices discriminate or fail to protect those with less power, it is time to challenge the status quo. In this chapter we will review SI that vary in the degree to which they challenge the structures of power. Some social movements, like the Civil Rights movement in the United States and the Anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa challenged power structures and sought to change the distribution of rights among Blacks and Whites (Freeman & Johnson, 1999; Seedat, Duncan, & Lazarus, 2001). Other SI target local government and are satisfied with less ambitious aims, such as better services or public transport (Speer & Hughey, 1995). Yet other organizations such as health coalitions seek to prevent HIV/AIDS or to improve services for people with substance abuse (Foster-Fishman, Berkowitz, Lounsbury, Jacobson, & Allen, 2001; Foster-Fishman, Salem, Allen, & Fahrbach, 2001).

Either from the inside, from the belly of the beast; or from the outside, challenging the status quo, the principle to remember is that we are there to link the immediate concerns of citizens with larger structures of inequality. We should never deny the immediate needs of abused children or rape victims. They must be carefully looked after. But if we want to prevent future instances of rape and child abuse, we have to look upstream. We should keep one eye on the river and one eye on the bridge.

WHAT IS THE VALUE-BASE OF SOCIAL INTERVENTIONS?

We have to distinguish between the overall values we wish to promote and the particular values we need to advance in a concrete situation. The values expressed in chapters two and three call for the promotion of personal, relational and collective well-being. Our aim is to balance values of self-determination, caring and compassion and respect for diversity with principles of social justice and sense of community. As John Ralston Saul (2001) has recently observed, the merit of values is judged by their relative contribution to an overall state of well-being, achieved through tension and balance among complementary principles.

For a first step, this seems enough: We keep in mind the complementary set of values--not a single value, but a set of values--as discussed in chapter three. But this is only the first step. Next, we have to ascertain what values are neglected in a particular social context and we have to devise strategies to bring them from the background to the foreground. We agree that sense of community is a desirable aim for human societies, but if it turns into pressure to conform, the overall well-being of the individual is bound to suffer. We also agree that social justice must be fought for when it is absent; its pursuit, however, should not detract from caring about the partners with whom we collaborate.

[Insert Box 8.1 about here]

In Box 8.1 we are reminded of our proclivity to privilege some values at the expense of others. When that happens, there are dire consequences for the cause of social justice and for its promoters. Linda’s story reminds us that we all face contradictions in our values. While seemingly everyone was working for poor people’s rights, some activists were discriminating against their very own colleagues. Lesson? Values should not drive only the outcomes of SI but also their very processes. Value-driven processes are goals in themselves. Because of that, we have to concern ourselves with the value of accountability. How can we make changes in societies and how can we be held accountable for our actions? As noted in chapter three, without accountability, all the other values remain theoretical. Goethe put it well, “knowing is not enough; we must apply. Willing is not enough; we must do.”

WHY ARE SOCIAL INTERVENTIONS SO IMPORTANT?

There are several answers to this question. The first and obvious one is that without SI we can forget about the promotion of well-being and liberation. If we were living in an ideal society, devoid of conflict and blessed with plenty, we may not need to worry about liberation and struggles. But that is not the case.

The second answer is that we need SI because individual and organizational approaches are not adequate to address the range of problems that we collectively face (Maton, 2000; Mullaly, 2002). As noted elsewhere in the book, individual interventions are prone to blame victims, to be ineffectual, to stigmatise and to deflect attention from structural predicaments (see in particular Chapters 2 and 13). Social interventions are also important because they address power differences and their impact on health and well-being (Prilleltensky, in press a). Finally, SI are our main vehicle for the promotion of transformational or second order change. We present in Table 8.1 a summary of SI that work either on amelioration or transformation.

[Insert Table 8.1 about here]

In this review we mention briefly ameliorative interventions but concentrate primarily on SI that are, or have the potential to become, transformative. We review the actions of governments, NGOs and SMOs, and the roles of community psychologists within these settings. In the next chapter we consider the case of citizen participation in community development, organizations, partnerships and coalitions.

What is the Role of Community Psychologists Working in Government?

For radicals and activists, this title doesn’t make sense. After all, isn’t government the main culprit of many of our social ills? This is only partly true. Although it is fashionable to blame government for most of our problems, we have to remember that governments are the custodians of public resources (Edgar, 2001). Sure, some do a better job than others at safeguarding our natural resources and protecting public institutions, but that doesn’t make government antithetical to the idea of well-being; it only makes some of its policies antithetical to it (Chomsky, 2002).

Let’s consider first some of the ameliorative actions of governments (see Table 8.1). In some countries, Departments of Health make sure the water is potable and that every child is vaccinated. They also promote healthy eating and exercise (Marmot & Wilkinson, 1999; Smedley & Syme, 2000). Departments of Education provide free education and literacy training. Ministries of transportation make sure that cars do not emit illegal levels of pollutants and that most regions have access to adequate public transport. These are some of the bread and butter activities of governments and they rarely challenge the societal status quo; they don’t question the power structures. Although in rich countries we take these activities for granted, poor governments struggle to provide any kind of water and any kind of transportation at all (Kim, Millen, Irwin, & Gersham, 2000).

Some governments, however, engage in more than amelioration. Rich and poor countries alike can create profound changes in the well-being of the population. Some can even contribute to the liberation of oppressed groups within them. But national governments, especially in the South, are subject to regulations imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and by the World Bank that interfere with their ability to improve quality of life. In countries of the North, in turn, corporations put pressure on governments to cut taxes and reduce public spending. The common name for the influence of corporations and the IMF on governments is globalization (Gamble, 2001; Pilger, 2002; see also Chapter 14). Fighting globalization has become an important role for governments bent on protecting the sovereignty of their countries. We explore several roles for government at the national and international levels (Chomsky, 2002; Kim, Millen, Irwin, & Gersham, 2000; Korten, 1995; Sen, 1999a).

Investing in Human Development

Sen (1999a, b; 2001) challenges the dominant doctrine that economic growth inflicts short-term pain for long-term gain. Sen claims that investments in education, health and social services in fact contribute to economic strength. He challenges the received wisdom that Ahuman development is a kind of luxury that a country can afford only when it grows rich@ (Sen, 1999a, p. 10). Based on evidence from East Asia, including Japan, Sen demonstrates that policies in favour of comprehensive human development do not retard but rather enhance economic prosperity. AThese economies went comparatively early for massive expansion of education, and other ways of broadening the entitlements that allow the bulk of the people to participate in economic transactions and social change. This happened well before breaking the restraints of general poverty; indeed, that broad approach greatly contributed to breaking the restraints of poverty@ (Sen, 1999a, pp. 10-11).

Investments in education, health and social facilities enabled East Asian economies to work on economic deprivation quite successfully. Their major shortcoming, however, was not to plan for the possibility of sudden destitution that comes with economic cycles and recessions. As a result, during the 1997 economic crisis millions of working people became suddenly poor or even destitute in countries like Indonesia, Thailand and South Korea. AEven though a fall of 5 to 10 percent of total national income (or of GNP) is comparatively moderate, it can decimate lives and create misery for millions@ (Sen, 1999a, p. 40).

According to Sen, protective security is as important as economic progress. Many of the Tiger economies of Asia neglected to install safety nets that would catch the victims of economic downturns. This is when the lack of democracy can be most severely felt. For recessions hit most harshly the poor, who, without unions or protective institutions, fall rapidly to destitution. AThe victims in Indonesia may not have taken very great interest in democracy when things went up and up. But when things came tumbling down for some parts of the populations, the lack of democratic institutions kept their voices muffled and ineffective@ (Sen, 1999a, p. 40).

In Latin America, economic crises have had the similar effect of increasing poverty and exacerbating inequality. Based on data from 48 growth and recession periods for 12 Latin American countries, Janvry and Sadoulet (2001) argue that recessions are systematically devastating for the poor. They also note that the gains lost during recessions are not recovered in future spells of growth.

“A 1 percent decline in GDPpc in a recession episode eliminates the gains in urban poverty reduction achieved by 3.7 percent growth in GDPpc under early growth, the gains in rural poverty reduction achieved by 2 percent growth under early growth, and the gains in inequality reduction achieved by 9 percent growth under late growth. Recession has a particularly strong ratchet effect on inequality since subsequent growth is unable to compensate for the higher level of inequality achieved.” (Janvry & Sadoulet, 2001, p. 37)

At the national level, economists and community developers debate the merit of rapid economic growth as a means of overcoming poverty. Sen (1999b) makes the point that Athe impact of economic growth depends much on how the fruits of economic growth are used@ (p. 44, italics in original). He further observes that the positive connection between life expectancy and Growth National Product (GNP) per head works primarily through investments in health care and poverty removal. In other words, growth per se does not necessarily translate into human development, unless it is properly invested in health, education, social security, social services, and employment programs.

Indeed, during the 1997 crisis, the failure of some Asian countries to invest the gains of economic growth in human development resulted in devastation for millions of people (Sen, 1999a). But there is another route to human development and poverty alleviation that is not linked to rapid or elevated economic growth. AIn contrast with the growth-mediated mechanism, the support-led process does not operate through fast economic growth, but works through a program of skillful social support of health care, education, and other relevant social arrangements@ (Sen, 1999b, p. 46). This is exactly where community psychologists can make a difference.

The success of this approach is evidenced in countries such as Costa Rica and Sri Lanka and in the State of Kerala in India (see Box 8.2). These places achieved rapid reductions in mortality rates and marked improvement in living conditions without much economic growth.

[Insert Box 8.2 about here]

Either in poor or rich countries, community psychologists can play several roles in the promotion of human development. They can work in any one of the following state, provincial, or federal ministries: human services, community services, child and family services, health, urban planning, multiculturalism, aged care, disabilities, and others.

A key role for community psychologists working in any of these government departments is program developer. Governments develop multiple projects in the fields of health, education, community development, mental health, recreation, multiculturalism, urban planning, and others. Program developers work with various levels of government to implement new initiatives. In Ontario, Canada, for instance, a government officer worked with several communities to implement the Better Beginnings Better Futures Program, an early intervention and prevention project. She collaborated with various communities and teams of researchers in implementing the initiative. Started in the early nineties, the government officer wanted community members to be well represented in the planning and execution of the program. In order to insure resident participation in the various stages of the program, she instituted a procedure whereby all committees should consist of at least 51% of local residents. This enabled a great deal of resident participation throughout the many sites of the project in Ontario. Although seemingly a simple intervention, the psychologist opened the door for community members to gain meaningful participation (Pancer & Cameron, 1994). Consistent with the values of community psychology expressed in chapter three, this government psychologist made a difference from within government.

As community psychologists, our skills in collaboration and partnership creation can make a positive contribution to programs, as would our knowledge on what works, what doesn’t, and how to evaluate programs (Nelson, Amio, Prilleltensky, & Nickels, 1999; Nelson, Prilleltensky, & MacGillivary, 2001). Government interventions like the Better Beginning Better Futures and the many programs in Kerala require resident participation, collaboration across sectors, value-based partnerships, and a social change agenda that goes beyond amelioration. By engaging community members in the process of human development, community psychologists can play a role in the empowerment of disadvantaged groups.

Another important role for community psychologists within government is that of health promoter. Community psychologists can assist in disseminating health messages and using the media to draw attention to the risks of excessive drinking, sedentary lifestyles, smoking, and fatty foods. The media has been used successfully in various countries to improve health and prevent the risks of cardiovascular disease and lung cancer (Jason, 1996; McAlister, 2000). In addition, community psychologists in government can work with various human service organizations to increase the support they give to people with severe mental health problems (see chapter 21). In the Region of Waterloo, Ontario, the department of health and community services has employed several graduates of Wilfrid Laurier University’s community psychology program. Graduates of the program work for local government in health promotion campaigns, program evaluation, human resource managers, and other health related posts. In all of these jobs community psychologists can nibble at the conventions of ameliorative interventions and can push the envelope towards more transformative ways of health (Murray & Campbell, in press; Prilleltensky & Prilleltensky, in press). We discuss below some of the dilemmas faced by community psychologists pushing for change within the fortress of the status quo: government itself (Bolam & Chamberlain, in press).

[Insert Boxes 8.3 and 8.4 about here]

Program evaluator is another important role that community psychologists can assume in local, regional, and national governments. In the City of Port Phillip in Melbourne, Australia, two community psychologists, Peter Streker and Michelle Keenan, head an Alliance for Community Health and Safety. Working for the municipal government, they brought together many partners to implement a health and community safety plan. Rooted in community psychology values, the alliance tries to move beyond ameliorative interventions. Box 8.3 describes in brief the work of the alliance, whereas Box 8.4 shows an evaluation tool designed to draw attention to transformational aspects of community health and safety interventions. When you look at the tool featured in Box 8.4, you can recognize many of the values presented in chapter three and the principles discussed in chapter two.

Peter and Michelle, the two community psychologists, work as coalition builders, meeting facilitators, planners, evaluators, community consultants, and policy developers. They gradually try to institute a value-based approach that is congruent with transformational ideals. Their commitment to a value-based approach is demonstrated in their willingness to evaluate their own work in light of transformational standards (see Box 8.4).

Promoting Equality

Based on international comparisons Wilkinson (1996) arrived at the conclusion that countries with a smaller gap between rich and poor produce healthier outcomes for their citizens than countries with a large gap. Because of more egalitarian income distribution, the life expectancy of Japanese people increased by 7.5 years for men and 8 years from women in 21 years. This dramatic increase took place between the years 1965 and 1986. Japanese people experience the highest life expectancy in the world, near 80 years, in large part because in that period of time they became the advanced society with the narrowest gap in income differences. Communities with higher levels of social cohesion and narrow gaps between rich and poor produce better health outcomes than wealthier societies with higher levels of social disintegration. We have known for a long time that poverty is a powerful predictor of poor health (Marmot & Wilkinson, 1999), but now there is strong evidence that equality and social cohesion are also powerful determinants of well-being.

As Wilkinson observed, social cohesion is mediated by commitment to positive social structures, which, in turn, is related to social justice. Individuals contribute to collective well-being when they feel that the collective works for them as well. Social cohesion and coherence are Aclosely related to social justice@ (Wilkinson, 1996, p. 221).

The job of promoting equality is particularly challenging for community psychologists. It is challenging because most societal structures reflect and reproduce inequality (Korten, 1995; Ryan, 1994). As policy developers, community psychologists have a chance to influence, to some extent, policies, programs and practices that affect inequality. Based on research, information provided by social planners, government priorities and values, policy developers create new laws and programs that can affect the lives of millions of people. This type of work is very well suited for community psychologists, as it integrates knowledge of research, community needs and interventions (Phillips, 2000). The work of Shonkoff and Phillips (2000) on early childhood development is an example of policy development that can influence inequality in education. Working for the National Research Council and the Institute of Medicine in the United States, they formed a committee of experts that formulated recommendations for early interventions. Many of their policy recommendations deal with closing the gap between rich and poor children.

Overcoming inequality in schooling is a major arena of intervention for community psychologists. Rhona Weinstein (2002), recipient of the 2001 Award for contributions to theory and research in community psychology, outlined possibilities for action for community psychologists at the research and policy levels. Education, for Weinstein, is a basic human right of which many minority children are deprived due to discriminating policies and practices in schools and communities. In a famous 1954 case in the United States, Brown vs Board of Education, Kenneth Clark, a former president of the American Psychological Association, submitted evidence regarding the deleterious effects of segregation on the mental health of Black children (Clark, 1974). That evidence was highly influential in promoting racial integration in schools. If full equality in education were achieved in most countries, a truly transformational leap could take place in the world.

Another potentially transformative intervention is the development of policies that redistribute wealth and income. Community psychologists can develop policies showing the positive effects of equality on well-being, as shown by Wilkinson (1996), and try to implement progressive tax laws that redistribute wealth from the richest echelons of society to those in need, such as single parents without supports (George, 2002). Alternatively, they can develop policies that challenge exclusion (see Chapter 13 for examples of social exclusion unit in the UK), and discrimination (see Chapters 16, 18, 19, and 20 in particular).

As action researchers, community psychologists can influence policy processes through the dissemination of relevant data. Wilkinson (1996) made a persuasive case for linking health and equality. He presented the data in such a way that governments started to pay attention. Community psychologists can refine the science of research dissemination in order to maximize the impact of studies linking inequality with oppression and ill-health (Mayer & Davidson, 2000). Some useful but hitherto unappreciated dissemination strategies include videos, summary bulletins, newsletters, workshops, and consultation sessions. In our project on family wellness for the Canadian government we developed summary bulletins in English and French. We distributed thousands of them across the country and made presentations and audio conferences to spread the message. Some Canadian provinces are now using the materials to reconsider their child welfare policies (Prilleltensky, Nelson, & Peirson, 2001; see also chapter 22).

Psychologists with a social, community and developmental orientation have secured influential positions as advisors to legislators and policy makers. In a few cases, psychologists have successfully run for public positions (see Lorion, Iscoe, DeLeon, & VandenBos, 1996). To strengthen the connection between community psychology and public policy we recommend more training programs like the one developed at the Florida Mental Health Institute (Weinberg, 2001) and more policy-oriented research (Solarz, 2001).

Protecting National Resources and the Public Sector

We move now from the national to the international scene. Globalization is colonization by a new name. Whereas in the past powerful countries invaded territories and dispossessed people of their resources by brute force, in the present international lending agencies pressure poor countries to open their markets to foreign competition (Gamble, 2001). Whereas in the past raw materials and slave labour were extracted from colonies, nowadays economic empires expect the poor to buy their products (Korten, 1995; 2000). In many instances, as in the case of Haiti (Aristide, 2000), countries became poor precisely because of a history of colonization, oppression, and dependency. Forceful contact with colonizers not only depleted environmental resources but also tarnished social traditions of native groups. In the case of Indigenous Australians this resulted in economic deprivation, psychosocial problems and health outcomes comparable to so-called third world countries (see Chapter 16).

As poor countries depend -- often because of histories of colonization -- on foreign loans, lending institutions like the International Monetary Fund dictate terms and conditions that wipe social services, health care and public education (Gamble, 2001). Economic growth and efficiency, touted as the only way to prosperity, require the privatization of public utilities and services, resulting in massive unemployment of public sector workers and in restricted access to health, education (Korten, 1995; Shaoul, 2001), and sometimes even water, as in the case of Ghana right now (see www.africapolicy.org and www.challengeglobalization.org for updates).

The case of rice producers in Haiti illustrates the dynamics of globalization quite well. Governments are forced to open markets and lift restrictions on imports, local producers have to compete with cheaper foreign products that are either subsidized or produced with more efficient equipment. Once the local competition is eliminated, prices go up and fewer and fewer people have access to them (Aristide, 2000; Korten, 1995; Weisbrot, 1999).

At the national level, poor countries indebted to the International Monetary Fund and to the World Bank spend considerable amount of money servicing their debts. In the case of Mozambique, the country spends 25% of its income from exports on debt payments. This prevents the country from investing in its own population. If only half of the debt service payments were spent on health care, the lives of 115,000 children and of 6,000 mothers who die in childbirth would be saved (Weisbrot, 1999). These facts reinforce the need for poor governments to fight the debt and resist the interference of the IMF in their affairs (see also Chapter 14).

As if promoting equality at the national level was not difficult enough, imagine how hard it would be to challenge global policies. Psychologists working in government have limited opportunities to resist globalization. If they live in rich countries, most of their governments espouse globalization because they want access to new markets. If they live in poor countries, their governments have limited options for resisting globalization. Opposing globalization is something that may be easier to do from outside government. We explore in the next section of this chapter some opportunities to use psychological research and action in solidarity work at the national and international levels (see for example the work of Psychologists for Social Responsibility at www.psysr.org).

It would seem that community psychologists are better positioned to defend public services than to fight global economic trends. One way they can do this is by linking with external groups to put pressure on government to be accountable to the people. Community psychologists can open doors to citizens to enter the halls of power and learn the rules of the game. In one telling case, residents of Better Beginnings Better Futures communities organized themselves, with the help of government psychologists, to fight budget cuts in their funding. The programs withstood various changes in governments and several ministers with shifting political agendas.

Protecting and enhancing services for people with serious mental health problems (smhp) is a policy arena worth exploring. Nelson, Lord and Ochocka (2001) documented changes in mental health policy at the provincial and regional levels in Ontario. Their study shows how government professionals partnered with NGOs such as the Canadian Mental Health Association to enhance services for people with smhp. The historical analyses demonstrate that government gatekeepers can be very powerful in either locking or opening the gate to winds of reform. In the case of Ontario in the eighties and nineties, the Ministry of Health and the District Health Council of Waterloo Region collaborated with consumer/survivor groups in shifting the paradigm in the way government responded to the needs of people with smhp. While the story is still unfolding, valuable gains were made with the help of government insider and activist outsiders. Holding keys to the halls of power is a stratagem that community psychologists should not take lightly.

What are the Strengths and Limitations of Government Social Interventions?

The resources held by governments enable them to create profound change. Sometimes positive sometimes negative. The benefits can be classified into four categories.

Breadth. Government action on health, education, transportation, housing, and human rights can reach far and wide and touch almost every citizen of the country. New laws banning smoking or discrimination against same sex couples affect everybody in urban and rural regions. This benefit may be regarded as wide horizontal impact.

Depth. Changes promoted by governments affect not only vast geographical regions, but within each location they affect human beings deeply. Each individual is deeply affected by human rights legislation or a progressive taxation system. Government interventions have the potential to lift children and families out of poverty and to prevent epidemics by massive immunization campaigns.

Duration. Once a change is written into the laws, interventions can last a long time. New educational policies can last decades, as can mental health initiatives such as deinstitutionalization. The longevity of the changes can have profound impacts on people’s lives.

Sustainability. Once a commitment is made, resources will likely be made available until a change in power holders takes place.

Some of the weaknesses of government action can be gleaned from preceding discussions. In brief, they are:

Ameliorative. The first risk of government action pertains to its ameliorative nature. Almost by definition governments do not want to alter power structures. This would constitute self-depowerment, a noble aim that is all but characteristic of people in office. As a result, we face interventions that engage in bandaid approaches (Taylor, 1996).

Conservative. In a similar vein, many policies concentrate on changing individuals and not the social environment. Even with the best of intentions, governments often end up blaming the victim (Ryan, 1971).

Regressive. In some instances, governments are not only conservative; they are outright regressive. Privatization in the UK is a case in point. Initiated in full force by Margaret Thatcher, the sequelae of privatisation has been a deterioration of public services and unemployment (Shaoul, 2001). Much similar was the fate of Canadian public policy under the liberal governments in the eighties and nineties (Barlow & Campbell, 1995). The decimation of the public service and safety nets in developing countries has resulted in massive hunger and homelessness (Sen, 1999a, b).

What are Some of the Dilemmas Faced by Community Psychologists Working in Government?

Governments change, and with them, their philosophy and pilots. The crew does not get to choose the pilot. If the pilot’s philosophy is congruent with the crew’s, there will be a smooth ride, but if it differs, it is usually the crew who have to change their views. We know a few psychologists who started their jobs under one government and were compelled to resign when governments changed. They found it nearly impossible to work with people whose philosophies were antithetical to their views of health and well-being. From supporters of consumers and enablers of community action one day they were expected to cut services and impose top down managerial styles the next. To survive under adverse circumstances workers need the support of their peers and superiors. The dilemma of working for someone whose ideology you do not share is a difficult one. Not all psychologists can afford to resign and look for another job, primarily when governments are cutting down funding for social services.

Another serious dilemma is what Prilleltensky, Rossiter and Walsh Bowers (1999) called systemic entanglements. This is a situation in which psychologists have to be accountable to several “masters.” Psychologists working in schools is a case in point. They have to report to their professional supervisors, to school principals, to superintendents, to area managers, and others. And, of course, they feel that their primary mandate is to help children. When various superiors have conflicting perspectives on what is good for the child and the family, the psychologist find herself in a dilemma. Being able to resolve this dilemma is not always easy. Clarity of roles and expectations, as well as a degree of autonomy are vital. But this requires cooperative partners, which one cannot always take for granted.

A related dilemma derives from clashes of values. When the psychologist believes in resident participation in design and delivery of programs but his or her colleagues are less than enthusiastic, conflicts arise. Siding with the community members can antagonize you and stigmatise you in front of your peers, not a cheap price to pay for your values. We always recommend working with a group of supporters in peer supervision, either inside or outside the organization. Situations like those just described require support and understanding by people who know your work (Rossiter, Prilleltensky, & Walsh-Bowers, 2000; Rossiter, Walsh-Bowers, & Prilleltensky, 2002).

What is the Role of Community Psychologists in Social Movements

and Non-Government Organizations?

We move from the work of “insiders” to the role of “outsiders” (Hall, 1995). In general, social movements and social movement organizations (SMOs) tend to be more transformative than non-government organizations (NGOs). Yet, many social movements collaborate with NGOs and vice versa. Sometimes NGOs are part of networks that support social movements. Hall (1995) explains the relationship between the two. Social movements share the following three features:

1. Social Change: social movements promote or resist some kind of social change in order to uphold an explicit set of values,

2. People Power: people come together to promote or resist the change, and

3. Collective Action: people undertake collective actions such as sit-ins, strikes, marches, media campaigns, protests, and others.

Some, but not all, NGOs try to advance the three features of social movements. Others can be very conservative. Here we concern ourselves primarily with NGOs that support social movements in line with the goals and values of community psychology, as explained in chapters one, two and three. Examples of social movements include the women’s movement, the human rights movement, and the environmental movement, which are supported, respectively, by NGOs such as the National Organization of Women in the U. S., Amnesty International, and Greenpeace (Freeman & Johnson, 1999).

In contrast to these movements, which are in line with the values of community psychology, some movements oppose the principles of liberation and well-being that we espouse. In the United States, “Promise Keepers” is such an example. Supported by a network of Christian fundamentalist organizations, “Promise Keepers” opposes gender equality within the family and is “capable of assembling hundreds of thousands of men for quasi-revivalist assemblies” (Tarrow, 1998, p. 133) in support of its cause. “Operation Rescue,” opposed to abortions, is another example of the Christian Right social movement (Green, 1999).

As “outsiders” social movements have less resources than governments do. In fact, the very essence of social movements is often predicated on getting more resources. We explore below some of the processes leading to the emergence of social movements and some of the strategies used to obtain more material or symbolic resources (Bourdieu, 1998). Depending on context, strategy, traditions, and leadership, movements may use more or less contentious strategies to make their points across (Della Porta & Diani, 1999; Katsiaficas, 1997; Tarrow, 1998).

Roots of Social Movements

Based on the work of social movement scholars and activists (Bourdieu, 1998; Della Porta & Diani, 1999; Freeman & Johnson, 1999; Gerlach, 1999; Hall, 1995; Kahn, 1982; Katsiaficas, 1997; Seabrook, 1993; Stout, 1997; Tarrow, 1998), we identify the following roots of social movements.

Suffering and Deprivation. People are driven to action when some of their basic human rights are denied (Hall, 1995; Tarrow, 1998). We can think of suffering and deprivation as the opposite of well-being and liberation. Manifestations of suffering are present at the collective, relational, and personal domains. Concrete examples of suffering derive from the lives of poor people. At the collective level, poor people in the South suffer from two sets of devastating experiences: (a) insecurity, chaos, violence, and (b) economic exploitation. Narayan and colleagues (Narayan, Chambers, Shah, & Petesch, et al., 1999; 2000; Narayan, Patel, et al., 2000) interviewed thousands of people who commented on the fear of living with uncertainty, deprivation and lack of protection.

In the struggle for survival, the social relations of the poor also suffer. Suffering at the relational level is marked by (a) heightened fragmentation and exclusion and by (b) fractious social relations. The personal dimension of suffering in poverty is characterized by (a) powerlessness, (b) limitations and restricted opportunities in life, (c) physical weakness, (d) shame and feelings of inferiority, and (e) gender and age discrimination. Impotence in light of ominous societal forces like crime and economic displacement fuels the sense of powerlessness. This type of suffering engenders justified rage and indignation in many poor people. When the suffering is tied to an assessment of the power differentials leading to it, consciousness-raising takes place.

Consciousness-raising. Suffering in itself is not enough to generate action. People have to connect their plight to external factors. Otherwise, fatalism and internalised oppression ensue (Moane, 1999). Bombarded with messages of incompetence, many poor people believe they are to blame for their misfortune (Prilleltensky, in press b; Stout, 1996). Connections between personal suffering and external roots of oppression and exploitation are the beginning of consciousness-raising (Cerullo & Wiesenfeld, 2001; McLaren & Lankshear, 1994). It is only when people begin to unveil the societal causes of oppression that a new awareness ensues. Although this is only the first step in bringing about change, it is highly liberating because people discover that they are not to blame for their suffering and that they have the capacity to challenge the status quo (Cerullo & Wiesenfeld, 2001; Freire, 1972; Hirsch, 1999).

Congealing Events. Although discrimination and exclusion may be the daily bread of many people, changes in consciousness often do not take place until there is a crisis or a catalytic event that puts suffering in sharp relief. Such was the case when Rosa Parks occupied a “white” seat in a bus in Montgomery, Alabama on December 7, 1955, triggering the bus boycott and the formation of the Montgomery Improvement Association, which was very influential in the civil rights movement (Freeman, 1999).

Political Opportunities: Despite the presence of the three conditions above, efforts to create a movement may be thwarted by political repression. If the regime does not permit freedom of expression or association, organizers will encounter tall barriers (Hall, 1995; Tarrow, 1998). The regime has to be democratic enough to enable people to organize without fears of repression or violations of human rights. At the same time, the political climate has to be such that popular support will be gained for the emerging movement. In Box 8.5 we can see some of the devastating outcomes of inhospitable political conditions.

[Insert Box 8.5 about here]

Preparing For Action

The next step in the formation of social movements is the progression from consciousness to action. Collective action requires coordination and sophisticated levels of organization, communication, and strategies. In this section we review some of the necessary factors in the transition from awareness to preparation for action.

Multiple Sources of Support. Some scholars argue that the presence of diverse organizations within the movement is a vital condition for action. If some organizations face difficulties, others assume the leadership and continue the preparation. In fact, not all organizations need to have the precise same ideology; it is enough to have an agreement on broad issues.

Gerlach (1999) studied the structure of social movements and concluded that there are two main characteristics that make them resilient. The first one is the fact that they consist of multiple groups that serve different and complementary functions. The second feature is that these diverse groups share symbolic and concrete resources. They have common reading materials, invite the same speakers to talk to their groups, and often have overlapping memberships.

People with serious mental health problems have been subjected to oppressive treatments by “well-meaning” helpers (Whitaker, 2002; see also chapter 21). Their oppressive experiences congealed into a large social movement to reclaim their rights and ability to participate in their treatment (Chamberlin, 1990; Nelson, Lord, & Ochocka, 2001). Psychologists played a role in the anti-psychiatry movement and in the consumer/survivors movements. The history of these movements shows that they rely on various groups and that they share members and an ideology.

Congruence of Interests. While disagreements across organizations are common and expected, it is important to emphasize common interests and goals. For a social movement to engage in action, partners have to agree on certain actions that will advance the overall well-being of the affected population. “Purists” remain isolated and fail to collaborate because they expect everyone else to think exactly like them. Diversity within movements has to be accepted and managed carefully (Della Porta & Diani, 1999). Organizations may not have shared values, but they may have shared opposition, which is often enough to engage in a common struggle.

Communications Network. One of the factors that ensure collective action is disseminating information to as many people as possible about a particular concern. Newsletters, websites, public rallies, media campaigns, they are all important in letting people know that there is an injustice that must be addressed (Freeman, 1999). The role of networker is an important one for community psychologists (Foster Fishman, Berkowitz, et al., 2001).

Organizational Effectiveness. Organize, organize, and organize! This is the lesson we derive from organizers like Si Kahn (1982) and Saul Alinsky (1972). Each organization within the social movement has to perfect the art of internal and external effectiveness. This requires a delicate balance between attending to the needs of their members and completing tasks. Two threats assail organizational effectiveness. One is the lack of attention to members’ needs for personal attention (Speer, Hughey, Gensheimer, Adams-Leavitt, 1995). The other is the lack of attention to task-orientation. We have to be good at both. Without attending to members’ voices we neglect relational and personal wellness. Without attending to specific tasks we neglect the aims of the movement.

As organizational leaders, community psychologist can help in devising a strategic plan, establishing democratic decision-making processes, inspiring members, monitoring the implementation of actions, and taking the pulse of the membership to know whether people are overall satisfied with the work or feeling disaffected or burnt out. In essence, the leader has to keep an eye on the internal health of the organization and the external effectiveness of its actions (Maton & Salem, 1995).

Resource Mobilization. This refers to the infusion of human, intellectual, organizational and material resources into emerging movements. “According to this model, strain leads to discontent, from which grievances result, yet the movement will remain dormant until resources are infused” (Hall, 1995, p. 6). Jenkins (1999) compared three movements launched by Californian farm workers since World War II and came to the conclusion that the one that succeeded, the United Farm Workers, did so because of the mobilization of essential resources. “The crucial ingredients for the UFW’s success were the mobilization strategy adopted by the union organizers and major changes in national politics that enabled the UFW to mobilize sufficient external resources to compensate for the powerlessness of farmworkers” (Jenkins, 1999, p. 278).

Psychologist David Hallman and the United Church of Canada mobilized their resources to stop Nestle from distributing infant formula in developing countries. David Hallman (1987) described his role working for the United Church of Canada on the boycott of the Nestle corporation. Nestle was the major marketer of infant formula, developed in the 1800s by Henri Nestle, to women in developing nations. Advertising in hospitals and free samples were provided to new mothers with infant formula as a symbol of western affluence and progress. By the time the free samples were exhausted, mothers’ breast milk had dried up and they were forced to use formula. This resulted in increased rates of infant malnutrition and mortality because of poor conditions for the use of formula in developing countries, including lack of clean water, lack of refrigeration, mothers’ diluting formula because it is quite expensive for them, and difficulty sterilizing bottles and nipples. All of these conditions can increase infants’ exposure to sources of infection.

As these problems became evident to health care workers, a coalition of community groups across the world was formed in 1977 to oppose the promotion of formula. The Infant Formula Action Coalition (INFACT), which consisted of religious organizations, health care organizations, women’s groups, nurses, the La Leche league, and others, decided to conduct an international boycott of Nestle products. The United Church of Canada donated David Hallman’s time to work with INFACT and the boycott committee. In 1984, three years after the boycott started, Nestle met with INFACT representatives and resolved all issues, thus ending the boycott. This social intervention speaks to the importance of coalitions and their mobilization for social change. What is remarkable about this intervention is that there was an organized world-wide outcry and opposition to a major international corporation which had a successful impact that has benefited babies throughout developing countries. And a community psychologist was behind it!

Collective Action Strategies

When discontent has matured into organization, and when frustration has turned into motivation for change, it is time for action. A number of strategic actions have proven efficient in the past.

Recruitment. Numbers count. Every social change organizations needs volunteers and paid staff to spread the message of change, to talk to new recruits, to mail information, to talk to the media, to go to protests, to learn about issues, and to write briefs. Strategic recruiters go to places where discontent is latent or manifest and where large numbers of sympathisers may be found. Faith and religious organizations often offer support for social justice causes (Hall, 1995; Speer & Hughey, 1995)

Media Campaigns. The role of the media cannot be underestimated. As French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu noted, “the media are, overall, a factor of depoliticization, which naturally acts more strongly on the most depoliticized section of the public….Television (much more than the newspapers) offers an increasingly depoliticized, aseptic, bland view of the world, and it is increasingly dragging down the newspapers in its slide into demagogy and subordination to commercial values” (1998, pp. 73-74). The challenge to counteract this trend has to be taken seriously by psychologists interested in social change. Effective social movements nurture writers who can express the movement’s views in mainstream and alternative media.

The skills of community psychologists as researchers and writers cannot be underestimated in media campaigns. In chapter twenty you will see how community psychologists helped to mobilize people with disabilities in letter-writing campaigns. Social movements require up to date information to educate their own members and the public about issues of concern. Information on the source, scope, and effects of pollution or discriminatory policies and practices can be vital for strategic actions such as recruitment or media campaigns.

More and more grassroots organizations wish to evaluate the effectiveness of their actions (Dimock, 1992). Programs and actions may be measured against values and/or outcomes (see Box 8.4). Community psychologists can help organizations to find out whether their efforts are congruent with their own values and with predicted or desirable effects. As program evaluators, community psychologists can contribute to the improvement of campaigns and collective action.

Writers can express information and the values of the movement in impassionate ways. Dennis Fox, a psychologist and co-founder of the Radical Psychology Network (www.radpsynet.org), writes often for the popular media to raise awareness about social issues and social injustice. His articles and commentaries may be read on www.dennisfox.net.

In addition to writers and researchers, social movements need eloquent speakers. Movements need articulate representatives who can speak with confidence in front of a TV camera or in front of city council. While in graduate school, community psychology students often make presentations to colleagues in class and at conferences. These experiences strengthen their public speaking skills and their ability to debate issues. These competencies cannot be underestimated, primarily when working with marginalized people who often feel intimidated by audiences (Stout, 1996).

Coalitions. As indicated by Gerlach (1999) above, effective social movements are most resilient when they share the load. In the case of the Pro-Choice movement in the United States, for instance, Staggenborg (1999) found that more progress was achieved by the work of coalitions than by the work of individual organizations. Furthermore, she found that more established organizations with paid staff were more efficient in their coalition work than informal groups staffed mainly by volunteers. Similar findings were reported in a special section of the American Journal of Community Psychology dealing with community coalition building (Wolff, 2001). In fighting poverty, Narayan, Chambers and colleagues (2000) report that Acoalitions representing poor people=s organizations are needed to ensure that the voices of the poor are heard and reflected in decision making at the local, national and global levels@ (p. 265).

As coalition builders community psychologists can help in the identification of shared goals and missions (Nelson, 1994). Applying principles of collaboration, community psychologists can bridge differences and create bonds of commonality where shared values exist. Building value-based partnerships for solidarity is a task that calls for many community psychological skills. To promote the values of caring and compassion, health, self-determination, power sharing, human diversity and social justice, we need to engage with partners in four skilful tasks: (a) building relationships and trust among partners, (b) establishing clear agreements and norms of reciprocity, (c) sharing power and resources, and (d) challenging ourselves to make sure that we do not perpetuate, consciously or unconsciously, oppressive practices (Nelson, Prilleltensky, & MacGillivary, 2001).

Lobbying and Political Influence. Franke and Chasin (2000) concluded that AKerala=s quality-of-life achievements result from redistribution. But why has redistribution occurred in Kerala?@ (p. 24). According to the authors, the answer lies in the century long history of popular movements in the State. AThese movements have gone through many stages, from caste improvement associations to trade unions and peasant associations to Communist parties to the Kerala People=s Science Movement@ (Franke & Chasin, 2000, p. 24). These social movements have forced the government to listen to the concerns of the poor and have lobbied successfully for the introduction of poverty alleviation measures. The importance of social movements in reducing poverty cannot be undermined. The case of Kerala demonstrates that governments can respond to social movements and coalitions. Through participatory democracy and civic associations, citizens created enough pressure on governments to institute land reform and other distributive policies that enhanced the well-being of the poor.

Protest. Sometimes the only way to get attention is to engage in contentious actions such as disruption of meetings, occupation of premises, road blockades, petitions or civil disobedience. In Edwardian Britain, women campaigning for the vote chained themselves in public spaces to make their point. In 1930, Gandhi marched 380 kilometres to the sea to protest the salt monopoly of colonial interests in India (Brazier, 1999). In Copenhagen, youth called attention to homelessness and abuse in the seventies through a number of occupations of vacant buildings. A well-known occupation took place in 1971 in Christiania, an abandoned military base, where youth established the Children’s Liberation Front and provided housing and employment opportunities for hundreds of young people for several years (Katsiaficas, 1997). When I (IP) visited Christiania in 1978 it was still going strong.

Community psychologists Speer and Hughey (1995) studied the strategies of the Pacific Institute of Community Organizing (PICO). While not exactly a social movement in scope, PICO can mobilize large numbers of people for protest and local action. The organization usually goes through a cycle of assessment, research, action and reflection. Social movements engage in similar, if more prolonged, phases. Community psychologists can contribute to each one of these phases as community researchers, planners of action, and organizational leaders.

The application of psychological knowledge to social action is a mission currently undertaken by Psychologists for Social Responsibility (www.psysr.org). Protest is a tool that has been used efficiently by people with serious mental health problems to combat their oppressive treatment by the medical system (Nelson, Lord, & Ochocka, 2001). As may be seen in Chapter 20, people with disabilities have also used protest to draw attention to their discrimination.

What Are the Strengths and Limitations of SMOs and NGOs?

Social movements may not have the resources governments do, but they have the potential to create consciousness to change government itself. Anti-colonial movements, labour movements, human rights movements, the women’s movement, they all had an enduring impact in the past century (Brazier, 1999). Some of the clear strengths of movements are:

Transformative. Movements seek to radically alter oppressive power structures. Anti-Apartheid movements in South Africa and Civil Rights movements in the U. S. managed to transform the way millions of people are treated in front of the law and in front of each other (Freeman, 1999; Seedat, Duncan, & Lazarus, 2001).

Participatory. Unlike government interventions, which can be top-down, social movements recruit, rely, and reach out to people who are disenfranchised and oppressed. Poor and disadvantaged people have an opportunity to participate in creating their own destiny. In Latin America, community psychologists collaborate with social change movements in enhancing community participation (Cerullo & Wiesenfeld, 2001; de Souza, 2001; Montero, 1993, 2000; Rosa, 1997).

Integrative. Social movements, at their best, promote not only social change but also meaning in life (Matustik, 1998). The women’s movement promoted not only changes in policies, which are crucial on their own right, but also changes in personal philosophy (hooks, 2000, 2002). Such collective action fostered a new way of life, a new way of relating, and a new way of being in the world. Women in the movement worried not only about changing governments and corporations, but also about transforming sexual and family relationships. It was about a philosophy of life as much as anything else. The same can be said of the work of activists in El Salvador, who fought the government but also forms of oppression at every level in the community. The outcome of this was devotion to a cause and a passion for meaning (Rosa, 1997).

But with strengths come weaknesses. These are some that concern us:

Unaccountable. Due to the informal structure of some social movements, some people allow themselves liberties that would not be tolerated in more formal structures. Katsiaficas (1997), for instance, noted the aggression displayed by some youngsters in the youth movement in Europe in the seventies and eighties.

Contradictory. As noted in box 8.1, Stout (1996) reported the inconsistent behaviour of some of her peers. While highly concerned about social justice on the outside, some neglected basic values on the inside. Contradictions are pervasive and must be carefully monitored. Means of accountability articulated in chapter six may be brought to bear on these two points.

Transitory. Some movements, like the student movement in France in 1968, do not manage to survive the initial stages of formation. Following the student uprising, some gains were achieved and some changes were made to educational policy. However, as Tarrow (1998) pointed out, the movement did not last long. Associated with this risk is the threat of cooptation (Salem, Foster-Fishman, & Goodkind, 2002).

Insular and Internecine. Some movements become so focused on the rights of their own members that they fail to establish bonds of solidarity with others who are also oppressed (Benhabib, 1996). Worse yet, some engage in internal fights that detract from the cause of solidarity (Della Porta & Diani, 1999; Tarrow, 1998).

Indifferent to Diversity. While solidarity with other oppressed groups is salubrious, indifference to their unique circumstances is not. Assuming that one type of oppression is similar to the next violates the principle of diversity and diminishes self-determination (Prilleltensky, in press b).

What are the Dilemmas Faced by Community Psychologists Working in SMOs and NGOs?

First and foremost, income is an issue. It is hard to get well paying jobs in SMOs and NGOs. Jobs are scarce, and they are often only temporary. Without a stable source of income, it is hard to make a living from activism. Many community psychologists volunteer their time to work for a variety of causes.

A second dilemma pertains to expectations and task orientation. Social movements consist of people from diverse backgrounds, some of whom may not be used to efficient ways of working. Adjusting to the norms of the organization is a challenge for people who are used to be very efficient with the use of their time.

Similar to dilemmas presented in government positions, value clashes can also occur in SMOs and NGOs. We have to make choices whether to confront peers or let go of minor misdemeanours. But what to do when basic norms and values are violated? What if we risk internal solidarity by pointing out unethical behaviour of a well-respected leader? These are not easy situations. Nourishing open communication processes and measures of accountability similar to those developed in chapter six can help. Linda Stout (1996) faced many risks when she confronted her board members in the Piedmont Peace Project. She challenged them to renounce their homophobic tendencies. It was not easy for her, but she decided that there are certain values that cannot be compromised. She took a risk and stood for her convictions.

As a young person, I (IP) took some risks by the mere act of reading revolutionary literature. In Argentina it was a subversive act to read Marx and Lenin. Once I had to go the youth movement to burn some books because there was notice that the police might raid the centre. I did not endure any pain or suffering, but many of my friends and relatives did, as noticed in the Box 8.5. Proceed with caution was a must then and it is a must today. In some parts of the world, transformative activity can cost you your life.

There are no cookbook answers for these dilemmas. What we can recommend, as we have in the past, is to unite with like-minded people in sharing ethical dilemmas and searching for solutions (Prilleltensky, Walsh-Bowers, & Rossiter, 1999; Prilleltensky, Sanchez, Walsh-Bowers, & Rossiter, 2002; Rossiter, Prilleltensky, & Walsh-Bowers, 2000; Rossiter, Walsh-Bowers, & Prilleltensky, 2002).

Summary

Community psychologists have opportunities to promote social change as insiders working within government and as outsiders working in SMOs and NGOs. In both settings there are ample opportunities to promote well-being and liberation. While governments tend to concentrate on ameliorative functions such as risk reduction and social aid, social movements seek to change structures of inequality. The former engages in policy development, legislation, and funding of new programs, the latter in collective action such as protests and civil disobedience. In both instances it is possible to pursue well-being and liberation. Government work is not antithetical to emancipation. Under pressure from women’s movements, a sea change in levels of human development took place in Kerala.

While some social movements proliferate, others dwindle. On one hand we witness youthful and courageous opposition to globalization, on the other we face massive apathy to poverty and victimization. Some governments dismantle the public sector at the same time that they tout prevention and promotion. Contradictions abound within governments, social movements, and within our own lives. Our challenge is to keep our values front and centre and to create opportunities for transformation where amelioration reigns. But over and above these challenges, the biggest challenge for community psychologists is simply to get there, to be part of social movements, to document their work, to assist them, and to reach a new level of congruence between our philosophy and our actions (Prilleltensky, 2001; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 1997; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002).

Your Turn

Matan Prilleltensky, Isaac’s son, is 15 years old. Last night, as he was reading John Grisham’s The Street Lawyer, he called me from bed for a talk. He had just realized that, “to make a difference,” being nice and caring towards others is not good enough. That’s easy he said. The hard part, he told me, was to make a real difference. That was what the street lawyer was doing. Matan had discovered the difference between amelioration and transformation. He proceeded to ask me a bunch of questions about social change work. Although he felt minimized by the enormity of the task, he felt committed to make a difference, a transformational one.

Nicole Nelson, Geoff’s daughter, is already in university. She is passionate about change. As a student she has been involved in anti-globalization protests, the Women’s Centre on campus, and the creation of a Public Interest Research Group. She is also involved in the students’ union and in university politics.

If you are a student, you may already be involved in some kind of social action. If you are not, what are some of the passions that can energize you? Are there any groups on campus that you can get involved with? Tod Sloan offers some interesting options at the end of Chapter 14. Becoming an activist is not easy. It requires commitment and effort. Matan realized that activism will complicate his life. Until yesterday, he thought he was going to be a soccer journalist and get paid to watch Manchester United play Real Madrid. Today, he got me looking for law schools that specialize in public interest law.

Resources

1. The January-February 1999 issue of The New Internationalist (Issue No. 309), a progressive magazine, covers The Radical Twentieth Century with multiple references to social movements and human development. The magazine may be read online at www.newint.org

2. Five classic resistance texts:

a. The second sex by Simone de Beauvoir

b. Opens veins of Latin America by Eduardo Galeano

c. Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire

d. The wretched of the earth by Frantz Fanon

e. Monopoly capital by Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy

3. Watch the documentary Rebel with a cause portraying the work of Saul Alinsky

4. Extensive documentation on women and social movements in the United States 1775-2000 may be found at http://womhist.binghamton.edu/

5. Mobilization is a new academic journal devoted to theory and research on social action. http://www.infonex.com/mobilization

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Table 8.1

Ameliorative vs. Transformative Social Interventions

Setting/Role	Ameliorative	Transformative
Government/Insider	Contribute to population health Prevent epidemics Social supports Public education Provide basic necessities	Support full employment Equity legislation Progressive taxation system Eliminate poverty Universal health insurance Universal family support
SMOs and NGOs/Outsider	Demand more services Pressure to improve community Increased participation in local politics Funds for charity, research, and demonstration projects	Oppose economic colonialism Resist globalization Fight exploitation Support networks of resistance Depowerment of powerful Create links of solidarity Sustainable communities Promote culture of equality Teach psychopolitical awareness

Box 8.1

Fighting for Justice, Oppressing your Partners

Linda Stout, whom we met earlier in the chapter, is a community organizer and social Activist. She founded the Piedmont Peace Project in North Carolina and worked on many political campaigns, including voter registration, literacy projects, nuclear disarmament, worker’s rights, welfare issues and others. Linda grew up poor and could not get the education she always wanted. Among activists, she was different. She didn’t speak like them, she didn’t have the middle class manners other activists had. She was a lesbian in a mostly straight culture. Linda did excellent organizing work and always believed in fighting for the poor and the oppressed. She knew that fighting oppression would not be easy. She encountered opposition from local government, police, and angry citizens who didn’t agree with her views. What she didn’t know, or was prepared for, was the discrimination that she would face within progressive social movements. This is what Linda had to say about her plight:

Because we are all products of the world we live in, it is understandable that oppression is also a problem within progressive movements. Most people involved in progressive organizations see themselves as fighting oppression that is “outside,” in the larger society. We all agree that our goal is to end oppression in the world. However, what we have found is that very often it si oppression on the inside that keeps us fro achieving or goals. Progressive people from the oppressor group carry into their organizations all the tings they’ve been taught about the group they serve and oppressive ways of behaving toward the “other.” Usually without intending it or seeing it, middle-class progressive people behave in ways that disempower low-income and working-class folks; whites do the same to people of color, men to women, and heterosexuals to gay, lesbian and bisexual folks. (Stout, 1996, p. 89)

Box 8.2

Well-Being and Liberation in Kerala

With a GNP per capita of less than $ 700 per year in 1994, Kerala and Sri Lanka had life expectancy at birth of 73 years. In contrast, with a GNP per capita of $ 4000, Gabon had a life expectancy of only 54 years. Brazil, with a GNP of nearly $ 3000, had a life expectancy of 63 years in 1994. Sen (1999a, b; 2001) concludes from these figures that it is not only growth that will bring prosperity but rather a wise distribution of available resources across the entire population.

The celebrated case of Kerala deserves attention because it reflects vastly different trends than the rest of India and because it demonstrates the power of social policies in poverty alleviation. Parayil (2000), Franke and Chasin (2000), and Kannan (2000) document the success of Kerala in achieving human development rates that are comparable to developed nations.

The question is how Kerala managed to achieve these positive indices of human development. Through a series of government land reforms and redistribution of resources, as well as highly participatory social programs, Kerala managed to invest in social programs dedicated to economic equality and to the improvement of health and education. For more details on Kerala’s case, see also Box 22.4

Box 8.3

Community Psychologists in Local Government Promote Well-Being in Melbourne

The City of Port Phillip spans the southern inner-Melbourne coastline and is home to more than 80,000 people who collectively speak more than 100 different languages. The area includes the popular tourist suburb of St Kilda. Compared to other Melbourne municipalities, the Port Phillip community accommodates extremes of wealth and poverty. The City of Port Phillip has a history of supporting people who are poor, homeless, and mentally or physically ill, through a dense network of health, welfare and housing services and a spirit of acceptance of diversity. As a result many marginalised people from across Victoria are attracted to and settle in Port Phillip. In 1999, the City of Port Phillip’s Community and Health Development team commenced an intense process to develop its Municipal Public Health Plan. The team prepared the plan using focus groups, surveys, and health statistics. Over 50 local residents conducted interviews with their neighbours to gather data. To implement the health plan the team created an Alliance. The work of the Alliance has been coordinated into the following three portfolios:

i) Prevention,

ii) Social Cohesion and

iii) Strategic Communication.

The Alliance

· Respects and values the diversity of community life in the City of Port Phillip.

· Adopts a broad conceptualisation of health and safety that includes a focus on redressing disadvantage and improving social justice and equity.

· Is committed to working together as a group to improve the safety, health and well-being of all our community members.

· Recognises that a critical aspect of the work is to keep relationships strong by valuing and practicing trust, openness, warmth, and caring.

Some of the projects undertaken by the Alliance include a local drug strategy, the development of community sustainable progress indicators, pedestrian and road safety, creation of public art by members of marginalized groups, community gardens, and other community-based projects. The community psychologists employed by the municipality play a vital role in coordination, planning, execution, and evaluation of various programs. For more information, visit http://www.portphillip.vic.gov.au/health_community_safety_plan.html

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Box 8.4

Evaluating the Transformational Potential of a Community Program

This form may be used by project staff as well as by external evaluators wishing to assess various dimensions of a program. The form was developed to assess programs that are part of the alliance for health and safety described in box 8.3.

Using the rating system provided below, please evaluate the project on the different dimensions presented:

0	1	2	3	4	5
Don’t know	Very little	Little	Some	Considerable	Great

Place an X in the appropriate box.

	0	1	2	3	4	5
AIMS
1. To what extent are the aims in line with the Alliance?
Subtotal
VISION
In your view, to what extent is the project
2. In line with the vision of the Alliance
3. In line with the strategic aims of the City of Port Phillip
Subtotal:
METHODS FOR ACHIEVING AIMS
4. What is the potential of the methods to achieve the aims
Subtotal:
VALUE-DRIVEN PROCESSES
To what extent is the project helping to
5. Create opportunities for community members to have voice and choice
6. Create opportunities for community members to experience personal health and growth
7. Establish an atmosphere of acceptance where people feel welcomed, supported and appreciated
8. Create tangible opportunities for community partners to collaborate with others in matters affecting the program
9. Create processes that recognize the ability and right of individuals to define their identity and their needs
10. Foster processes that benefit not only the individual community partners but also the community at large
11. Promote equal access to resources brought about by the partnership
Subtotal:
VALUE-DRIVEN OUTCOMES
To what extent is the project helping to
12. Foster the ability of community members to pursue their chosen goals in life
13. Promote opportunities to develop physical and emotional well-being through acquisition of skills and behavioural change
14. Foster community settings where people can give and receive support, caring and compassion
15. Promote dialogue whereby citizens have meaningful input into decisions affecting their lives
16. Create or strengthen vital structures that meet the needs of entire communities
17. Promote the fair allocation of bargaining powers, resources, and obligations in society
Subtotal:
EVIDENCE –BASE
In your view, to what extent is the project based on knowledge of
18. Factors that prevent problems related to the project
19. Factors that promote safe and healthy communities and behaviours associated with the project
20. Specific social, cultural, political and environmental contexts in which the project takes place
21. Best practices regarding interventions in the field of the project
22. Specific needs of community members where the project takes place
Subtotal:
TRANSFORMATIVE POTENTIAL
To what extent is the project contributing to
23. Positive changes in social, political or community structures that foster health and safety
24. Political awareness of the structural barriers to health and safety
25. Social activism to promote social justice
Subtotal:
PREVENTIVE POTENTIAL
To what extent is the project contributing to
26. The prevention of a certain health, psychological, social, or economic problems
27. The promotion of healthy communities
28. The promotion of healthy behaviours in individuals
Subtotal:
FEASIBILITY AND SUSTAINABILITY
29. To what extent is the project feasible
30. What is the potential of the project for sustainability
Subtotal:
EVALUATION
31. To what extent are you satisfied with the evaluation so far
Subtotal:
BUDGET
32. To what extent are you satisfied with the way the budget is handled
Subtotal:
Total

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Box 8.5

Young People in Social Movements: North and South

Craig Kielburger is a Canadian youngster from Ontario. A few years ago, when he was twelve years old, he was very moved by the death of a Pakistani boy who had been speaking out against child labour. Craig travelled to South Asia, visiting Bangkok, Calcutta, Karachi, and other cities. Upon his return Craig founded Free the Children, a human rights organization dedicated to the elimination of child labour. Craig visited Melbourne in 2001, where I (IP) heard him speak passionately about his work. He is involved in many international projects and has created a thriving organization. His inspirational work can be seen at www.freethechildren.com.

Contrast his experience in the North with some of my friends’ and relatives’ experiences in Argentina. In the 1970s many young people in Argentina became involved in youth movements to fight the repressive regime. I was involved in such a movement, together with my sister and many friends. Unlike Canada, where Craig’s work can be celebrated, in Argentina young people’s efforts were repressed. I left Argentina in 1976 together with a group of friends because the violent repression of the government had become intolerable. My sister, Miriam Prilleltensky, whom you met in chapter three, was a political prisoner of the regime and was sent to exile to Paraguay for 7 years. One of my dear friends, Alejandra Jaimovich, was “disappeared” by the government on June 6, 1976. She was seventeen at the time. Another friend, Hugo Donemberg, was disappeared on March 29, 1976. Ricardo Levin, whom I also knew well, was killed by the police while distributing leaflets. My sister Miriam was taken to prison and subsequently sent to exile to Paraguay in 1976. All their names, along with the names of thousands others who were made to disappear can be found on www.desaparecidos.org. Alejandra’s story may be read on http://www.buenosairesherald.com/1_argentina/2_argentina/0103/0103-16.htm